Alternatives International

ICC indicts Kenyatta

Houda Chergui — 2013-04-02T03:55:19Z

Kenya elected its new president, former Prime Minister Uhuru Kenyatta on March 9, and many wonder what the long-term consequences of the elections will be, as there has never been an election in Kenya without violent repercussions. The last, in 2007 led to an explosion of bloodshed. It was not surprising, then that there was a lot of fear surrounding Kenyatta's win, as he is being indicted by the ICC for crimes against humanity by causing ethnic rivalry in the 2007 elections.

Elections in Kenya are especially seminal moments due to the importance given to ethnic politics. The country has a history of corruption before elections as rich politicians pit the country's many ethnic groups against each other in order to get votes, and it is the poorest regions that bare most of the consequences. Kenya, like its other Eastern African counterparts, is a country divided by ethnic tensions, and its leaders use this as a tactic to get elected. Kenyans and the country's neighbours fear the outcome of the win as they rely on the port in Mombasa for fuel and food. What makes the violence in Kenya so alarming is its progress in other respects, such as its economy, and Marc Lacey, deputy foreign editor for the New York Times hopes that as Kenya advances economically the violence will decrease around election time.

There have been numerous efforts at reform, notably the change from the discredited Electoral Commission of Kenya, responsible for the last vote, to the Independent Elections and Boundaries Commission. There have also been reforms in the judicial and legal systems, building citizens' trust in institutions. Furthermore, this has been the most technical, expensive and complicated election in Kenyan history, as new electronic systems designed to eliminate the risk of fraud were used. Kenyatta has also made many promises to work with rivals. Despite this, his main challenger, Raila Odinga has claimed to challenge the elections in the Supreme Court as he believes the results to be fraudulent. As the count was affected by technical glitches, notably, “a programming error that led to the number of rejected votes being multiplied by a factor of eight.” And, as the BBC states, “Mr. Odinga's Cord alliance had earlier complained that votes from 11 constituencies were missing, in effect leaving him more than 250,000 votes short.”

The ICC has indicted Kenyatta as well as running mate William Ruto, who both deny the charges.

Will these elections be plagued with the usual violence surrounding elections knowing that there has already been reported violence prior, particularly in one poor region near the Tana river delta where a reported 200 citizens were killed? So far, the elections have been peaceful, however, it is left to know whether the ICC will have any impact on Kenyatta.

Some believe that the ICC's indictment in fact was responsible for Kenyatta's win, as people deem it to be ‘Western interference.' Like many countries in the continent, such as the Congo, and Ivory Coast whose leaders are being indicted for human rights violations, international interference—even those dealing with human rights issues—are viewed as indoctrinating, and meddling. “Why Africa only? Why were these laws not applied on Israel, Sri Lanka and Chechnya and its application is confined to Africa?” said former African Union chairman Jean Ping, as he asserted that the court was nothing but a neocolonial invention at an African summit meeting in 2009.

With some, like Sri Lanka, the United States—backed by the United Nations—is taking very cautionary steps, as it is afraid that any finger pointing could lead to a worse outcome and an escalation in violence. However, they are not afraid to take particularly castigatory measures toward Kenyatta—though Kenya is an essential ally militarily and financially in the search for al-Qaeda-linked rebel group, al-Shabab in Somalia. Some believe the reason to be that past cases, such as Sudan and Libya, have given the court more freedom to investigate within the continent. Another reason for the African-centered indictments, and possibly the most pertinent, are the geopolitical reasons. The more powerful nations, such as China and the United States would not allow for indictments in more precarious states. For example, thousands have been killed in Afghanistan since the court's inception, and still no cases have been referred.

It is difficult to gauge the effectiveness of the ICC, especially since it has had trouble in the past to effectively persecute indicted leaders such as Omar al-Bashir, the president of Sudan who is leading from Khartoum to this day.

Though Kenyatta asserted that he would comply with international institutions, he is denying all charges. The ICC's legitimacy might either be bolstered or undermined by this election.

Civilian Activism in Syria

Anne Guay — 2013-04-02T03:55:16Z

Civil war rages on in Syria. As the death toll reaches an estimated 70,000 Syrian civilians, over 1.1 million are refugees in neighboring Turkey, Lebanon, Jordan, Iraq, and Egypt and 2.5 million are internally displaced. The figures are astonishing, but numbers remain obscure. Disturbing social phenomena are ongoing within these statistics, such as the rape of women and children, who make up three quarters of the refugee population. People are being maimed and permanently disabled from the violence, left with barely adequate mental and physical healthcare. People are living in dirty, damp underground tunnels to hide from the war; sometimes as many as twenty families in one space. To add to the gravity of the humanitarian crisis, Western mainstream coverage unanimously portrays international intervention as the only solution or viable method to solving the conflict. This harrowing picture urges the question: how can civilian action contribute to peace in Syria?

The International Peace Initiative for Syria, an organization of high-ranking delegates, proposes and upholds a process towards a political solution to the conflict. Its mission statement holds that "any solution must be based on the sovereign will of the Syrian people" and that they "reject categorically any kind of military intervention, wherever it may come from." Other endorsed measures for peace include ceasefire and negotiations, as well as the de-militarisation of the land, where the Syrian people can live humanely, and afterwards democratically with the installation of an electoral system.
While such meaningful efforts for the establishment of a political solution are in progress, people on the ground are still dying and living in terror. Without knowing what it will take for Bashar al-Assad's government to enter talks or even if it will, civilians are taking different approaches to the ongoing revolution.

The Syria First movement has revived the non-violent movement that seems to have been trampled in 2012 under the weight of an all-out armed conflict between the Free Syrian Army (FSA) and the Syrian Army. It aims to remind Syrians of the possibility of peace, standing for ethics, not politics. Though such movements indicate that hope for peace is still alive within the people, spokesperson Mohammad Al Bardan for the Syria Nonviolent Movement admits that it is apparent that the fighting is not about to end. This group is about building a civil society for a future post-conflict Syria, rather than aiming for an immediate cease-fire. In Bardan's words, "it is more important to liberate the minds than the lands" in order to ensure a smooth and peaceful transition after the revolution has removed Assad.

Video activist Rami Jarrah founded the Activists' News Agency, running it in Cairo and connected to a team of 400 civilian journalists from within Syria. In Egypt, he is free to publish information while receiving international NGO funding, though openly admitting his support for the FSA. Playing this double whammy could be a new trend as other organizations in Egypt are benefiting from the same position; having the 'neutral' support claimed by international NGOs and their funding, and the ability to directly contribute partisanship to the internal armed opposition. This approach works because public opinion within Syria largely supports the opposition, so Rami can openly support the FSA though he himself is choosing to act peacefully as a video activist.

In a press release statement, media activists based in Damascus and its surrounding areas discuss the urgent need for safe communications media because activists are being killed and imprisoned for such activities as uploading videos deemed dissident by government soldiers. They are asking for donations of communications equipment free of obligations towards the donors. There seems to be a strong feeling of resentment towards the external opposition for misrepresenting their voices and imposing conditional aid, such as praise for the organizations, as well as giving equipment to those without immediate use for it. Thus, these media activists who are contributing peacefully to the movement must face the dangerous reality of their work, the communications lines are under the regime's surveillance.

There is even more evidence to support the claim that Rami's case is far from isolated. In a Democracy Now interview with an anonymous activist in Damascus, she explains that grassroots activists condone international intervention, that support is needed in the form of weapons for defence against the government militia and that the strong sentiment of distrust towards anything regime-related is widespread. "What [the Syrian people] want is arms support... to defend ourselves...and to finish this regime."

Indeed, the relationship between civil society and the FSA is complicated and it is important to note that all the voices included in this article have not ignored the human rights abuses committed by FSA soldiers and that they must be held accountable just as the Syrian army should. Nonetheless, an article originating from the Damascus Media Office describes how the FSA is fulfilling a tacit social contract in the liberated areas by taking on public service functions that are not being provided by the government. These include, but are not limited to: electricity repairs, provision of clean water and flour or bread, price controls and security checkpoints for neighborhood safety. In other words, the FSA is catering to basic needs—which are arguably the main concerns of any population.

In line with the above-mentioned press release, the Damascus Media Office is demanding communications support from the external opposition. More specifically, they want a direct line of contact between the internal opposition; both media activists and FSA members; and the external opposition. They want to remove mediators who delay and muffle their message so that international coverage of the Syrian crisis can become representative of military operations' consequences on civil society. There is also the need to establish hierarchies and administrations in liberated cities, in order to relieve the FSA of their public services so they can resume fighting the Syrian army.

It seems like peaceful forms of activism, like that taken by the Syria Nonviolent movement, works to lay the foundations for civil life in a post-Assad Syria. Usually, those commending immediate ceasefire and negotiations are ostensibly external activists, as is the case with the International Peace Initiative for Syria.

Government rhetoric in the state media claims that the regime is ready for talks as Prime Minister Wael al-Halqi "called on all faithful Syrians to participate in the political process... in order to expand dialogue." The problem with this statement is that there is no dialogue to expand and there is no political process by which Syrians would participate, because it entails the existence of a democratic system by which a referendum or elections can occur. Therefore, no true intention is shown, and even less intention of stepping down as the people would have it.

Perhaps the regime has to be at a military disadvantage for meaningful negotiations to become a possibility. With the recent proposition of opening a dialogue, maybe Assad's militia is already at a disadvantage and realising it cannot win. As reporter David Enders put it," I think what we're seeing is just the government crumbling under the weight of a massive rebellion. It simply can't put it down." Syrians are taking matters into their own hands to topple the regime and to prepare for a post-conflict civil society.

From Porto Alegre to Tunis

Houda Chergui, Kamal Lahbib — 2013-04-02T03:53:29Z

More than 50 regional forums and seminars have taken place since 2002. Algerian generals are still hostile toward the idea of a North African movement, and Libya is still dealing with the repercussions of the fall of Gaddafi, in the past, making a concrete united North African movement difficult to realize. However, now, this difficult legacy of arrests, suppression and restrictions is now establishing a united movement in the World Social Forum (WSF) in Tunis.

The World Social Forum Tunis 2013, taking place from the 26 to the 30 of March 2013, will develop under difficult conditions: violence to the point of criminality in Syria, institutional crises, unstable economies, social inequalities created and maintained by ancient elite regimes despite revolutions by conservative Islamist factions that opt for neoliberal approaches that lead to nothing but poverty, injustice, balkanization and wars. The WSF in Tunis will take place in a large space that has not yet cut ties with tribal societies and religious groups in an environment of ideological battles, yet to be explored in the WSF. Political Islam, misunderstandings and confused approaches between Europe and the Maghreb-Mashrek region, have made new emerging clandestine social movements place Democracy and affirmation of citizenship at the heart of the debate at the WSF.

It is the Occupy movement, the indignant, the “we are fed up,” the red squares, that have begun this revolt against injustice, wars, a world dominated by capitalist ideals and interests, and the consequences not paid by the actors who have led the world to crisis. They will convene with the Tunisian, Egyptian, Palestinian, North African, Syrian, Yemeni, Iraqi, Turkish, Sub-Saharan, Latin-American social movements in order to turn this forum into an instance of democratic debate, of convergence for reinforcing the regional struggle for democracy, dignity, liberty, social justice, and liberty and to inscribe it into a global perspective.

Despite limited means and many hindrances—violence and political assassinations, conservative governments following fallen dictators, a fragile and divided movement, populations that have lost all confidence in their institutions and “representative democracy,” youth on the verge of despair and on the brink of violent expression and suicide—the WSF is triumphant, as the fact that it is taking place in Tunis represents in itself a grand victory. Moreover, it will be more of a success if at the end of the five days the forum achieves to include new democratic social movements, to of sorts lessen the complexity of social and political situations, to clarify transformations that the world is undergoing and to reinforce the democratic aspirations, dignities, social justice and citizenship of the people.

Translated from the original French by Houda Chergui

Burkina Faso: Gold, a Double-Edged Sword?

Geneviève Lavoie-Mathieu — 2013-04-02T03:53:24Z

Talatout Boukari, community leader of Essakane in Burkina Faso, in partnership with the international organization FIAN, was in the Netherlands to raise awareness on the negative impact of Canadian gold mining company, IAMGOLD, on its community.

Unlike Canadians, “we didn't need a diploma to find gold”, declared Talatout Boukari, president of the village development council of Essakane, in Burkina Faso, speaking at a conference in the Netherlands on March 22, 2013.

In fact, the people from Essakane have been living off artisanal gold mining for over 25 years. Ironically, following the arrival of IAMGOLD in the region, they have been displaced and refused the right to work for the Canadian gold mine, because “they were not qualified enough.”

“We discovered gold in the region of Essakane in 1985”, told the Burkinabé at a conference at the University of Wageningen. “It was a year of famine. This gold we discovered came as a gift of God”, he continued.

In collaboration with FIAN International, an organization working for the right to food worldwide, Boukari flew from Burkina Faso for a conference tour to raise awareness on the critical situation in Essakane.

It was also the occasion for FIAN to present a new documentary called “Prospérité sous terre” (“Prosperity Beneath the Soil”) realized by Ronnie Rodriguez. The film shows the impact of gold mining in Northern Burkina Faso and the fight of the community that is affected by the mining giant, IAMGOLD.

Essakane is located in the North-East of Burkina Faso, in the Sahel region. There are more than 13 communities who inhabit the area, which represents around 2600 households who identify themselves with various ethnic groups, such as the Fulani, Tuareg and Sonraïs.

In 2003, following measures taken by the government under the advice of the World Bank, laws were reformed to facilitate foreign investments into the country. As a result, the country saw its gold production skyrocket.

Between 2007 and 2011, gold production went from 5.5 tons to almost 33 tons produced per year. In 2000, IAMGOLD was granted 10,000 ha at Essakane for the construction of an industrial gold mine, the most important mining project nationwide.

Boukari explained that the settlement of the Canadian mining company in the region has meant major life changes for the 13,000-person rural community: first, the government pressured them to relocate. According to Boukari the government and IAMGOLD promised them new land, new houses, and jobs, but the hope of a better life never materialized in the end.

Dissatisfaction has grown in the community mainly because mining activities have impacted their traditional way of living. Industrial gold mining interferes with agricultural activities, herding, and artisanal gold mining, or ‘gold washers.'

For example, market gardening activities were relocated to zones that are not as fertile as before. The last harvests of sorghum are an illustration of this, said Nikita Shahbazi, representing FIAN Netherlands. Yields were only one thirteenth of what they usually are, she said, which is less than sufficient to fulfill the community's needs.

Access to water has also become problematic. While in the past the community owned over 2000 artisanal wells, the mining company now provides them with one tank of water, which is not enough for all activities in this arid region. Many also fear the contamination of the environment and water through heavy metals, as it occurred in Bolivia, for example and in the Philippines.

Boukari explains that herders and livestock keepers were told not to let their animals feed from zones near the mine, as they would be contaminated and would be improper to consume. New houses were built for them but as shown in the documentary Prospérité sous terre they are cement cubes not originally conceived for living, but are rather quick alternatives to relocate people.

For FIAN, the way in which IAMGOLD manages the operations represents an important violation of human rights, notably the right to adequate food, access to water, to a healthy environment, education and employment.

FIAN is currently mediating discussion with the main stakeholders and attempting to gather the government, IAMGOLD, and the community members together to come to a common agreement, which could lead to improvements for the Essakane community.

IAMGOLD is now planning to expand its mining operations, which would mean that the Essakane community would have to be relocated once more. In total, more than 600 permits have been granted for mining since 2003, and there are four more large-scale projects that are to be implemented before 2014.

According to FIAN, more than 90 percent of the profits of the Essakane mine go to Canadian shareholders. Boukari said that its community is not opposed to mining but that they want to have their fair share of benefits.

Mining activities in Essakane will cease in 14 years, according to estimates from FIAN, but this will not happen without leaving a hole in the landscape, as well as in the pockets and hearts of Burkinabé.

Does Chavismo Have a Future?

Michael Reford — 2013-04-02T03:53:19Z

The left in Latin America had struggled for a rebirth. The days of CIA- backed coups and assassination of leftists have calmed somewhat.

The longstanding fight against imperialism has seen a change in the last decade with the resurgence of the left. Hugo Chavez, arguably the catalyst for this renaissance, enjoyed three terms in office because of his work within Venezuela. His base of support and successful model of socialism helped establish a base from it spread. Within the oil rich nation, Chavismo can be described as a set of ideals and management style which places importance on equality, social participation, and central, powerful, proactive government based around one personality: Hugo Chavez.

As his fight against cancer grew, the question of Chavismo's future without the man that defined it has grown increasingly important.

His passing opens a door for a change in leadership, but will the vision of Chavismo endure at the hands of future governments?

Comfortable victories in what was recently his fourth election are a testament to the success of his terms in power. What drove the movement was deeply rooted in the revolutionary sect Chavez founded while in the army, named the Revolutionary Bolivarian Movement-200, or MBR-200. The movement eventually went on to evolve into the Fifth Republic Party, or MVR. This transition was due to the increased call for change around the country after a string of corrupt governments.

Seizing the moment, a tremendous value was placed on the rural populations and the urban poor that went on to fuel the movement for another decade and a half. The anti-traditional party model was innovative and typical of the Movement. Leading up to the first election in '98, face-to-face engagement and clear communication gathered political momentum.

Already known to many Venezuelans after the failed coup in '92, the extensive travel he undertook to dialogue with potential supporters is reflective of the later social successes of Chavismo. This understanding between people and leadership defined its existence.
The biggest victory that would do well to last is the redistribution platform. Reaching millions of poor and cutting the poverty rate by 20 percent is a notable success, but is the result of a powerful methodology. Many leftist governments have struggled to redistribute wealth, land, or other commodities fairly on a mass scale. The potential for dissatisfaction and unrest is high and diminishing support is the result.

The Bolivarian Missions allowed for state oil revenues to reach those in need. It also came in the form of healthcare, employment training, food, and education. Local cooperatives were also able to apply for funds based on what community projects they decided to pursue. As with the first election in '98, grassroots involvement and dialogue founded the strong base for Chavismo to develop into a constructive agenda.
Social inclusion best characterizes what defined Chavismo domestically. The hierarchical top-down format adopted in most Western-style countries is reversed. In what was largely a decentralized structure, municipal, and regional governments were permitted a licence to control local affairs and decision making. Chavez's state centralization helped create clear policy objectives resulting in social involvement that empowered people and presented a medium through which to communicate.

The criticisms toward Chavez are many. Accusations of judicial interference, media tampering, even dictatorship, have been thrown around at times. The Western perspective quickly demonizes Chavez, but the political climate in Latin America is drastically different from Western-style democracy in structure and purpose. If anything, Western democracies can learn from the importance placed on participation long after Election Day.

Venezuela under Chavez often attracted headlines from Western media. Criticism of Venezuela's foreign aspirations appeared throughout his time in government. After some soul searching, MVR found new life once it expanded its global profile.

A growing relationship with Cuba was a first step in an alliance that acknowledged similarities in ideals. An economic relationship with Iran was a major step in assertion of power contrary to US imperialism in the Middle East and Latin America. Political relationships with Russia and China tightened with deals that would see Venezuelan oil shipped to their fast moving economies.

Making allies that disagreed with the ‘American Empire', as Chavez describes it, defined a tough foreign policy agenda with connections to his early career. His education and time spent in the military had a considerable effect on those originally part of the MBR-200 who would take positions in office. Rhetoric describing the “never ending fight” is synonymous with the fiery speaker. The coup in '02 led to failure because of soldier loyalties toward Chavez. But, the present day open declaration of military support for Chavismo bids caution. There is a chance a future leader may harness military support and abuse the relationship for the purpose of eroding democratic integrity.

Chavismo extended onto the rest of the continent drawing from Bolivarian ideals. Integration was a principles stressed in the beliefs of the 19th century general Bolivar, who awoke South America from imperialist Spain and defeated colonialism.

The infectious nature of victories within Venezuela allowed the movement to spread and public endorsements for candidates helped leftists sweep to power in Bolivia, Ecuador, Brazil, and elsewhere. Similar policies in dealing with issues regarding national sovereignty helped combat US presence. Financially, this alliance helped reduce IMF involvement by reducing and paying off poisonous loans.

The outlined successes are largely due to the connection between Chavez and the ideology he pursed that reflects his name. It is synonymous with an aggressive style of government and putting the interests of his people before political gamesmanship.
Bolivarian ideals inspired and dictated the path embarked upon with relative success.

How much of this success is due to Chavez himself? As the face of MBR-200, accepting responsibility for the failed military coup put Chavez on the national stage when he appeared on national TV claiming responsibility. Being the face of change was of great importance as he campaigned and spoke around the country from the back of a truck. The charisma and confidence are evident in any speech or verbal exchange. The larger than life personality, cult hero appeal cannot be replaced.

What is Chavismo without its creator? The connection between the two almost seems too great for someone to replicate. Much of the social success and jobs are directly tied to oil. Cash flows related to any commodity are risky especially when the social consequence of a price drop can be so great.

The lack of institutionalization of the many social projects makes them vulnerable. The threat of further corruption within state distribution channels can undermine the social milestones accomplished. Participation and inclusion between elections are thus very valuable to the millions of poor people. It defines the organic support and the participatory democratic system essential to the future of Chavismo.

There is no denial of the clear link between Chavez and the success of Chavismo. The guiding light that can take the idealism forward are principles which motivated the '92 coup and brought him to mass popularity. Bolivarian inspiration that values human rights, combats mass poverty, and encourage Latin American integration, to name a few, can be carried forward by any conscious leader. What is characterized as Chavismo may not continue without its leader, but the founding ideals that have been embedded in all facets of Venezuelan society over the past 20 years will serve as a path that begs to be followed by any future elect.

Bordered and Borderless University Life: A Review of the Recent Happenings in Universitatea Babes-Bolyai, Cluj-Napoca, Romania

Kaveh Boveiri — 2013-04-02T03:53:14Z

If you happen to be interested in ancient art, you may have come across the Thinker of Hamangia and The Seated Woman. These figures, dating back to the Hamangia culture of around 5200 BC in the territory of modern day Romania, are thought to be some of the most unsettling pieces of miniature art. [1] Or, if yours is not one of numerous languages into which Zaharia Stancu's Barefoot has been translated, you might know Mihai Eminescu, the Romanian poet. If not him, you must have read some of the works of Eugène Ionesco, perhaps even without realizing that he was born and raised in Romania.
What is communicated to an outsider in these different art works (notwithstanding the time gap and sometimes significantly different approaches) is a desire for a better human life , a life based on freedom of speech and thought..

Though, one would be astonished to discover how an act so simple deviated from the idealized views emitted by the aforementioned works.

On March 21, a documentary named “Blockada”—about the massive students protests in April and May of 2009 in Croatia—was supposed to be screened at the Babes Bolyai University in Cluj-Napoca, the second-largest public university in Romania. The screening was organized by students with the approval of the university administration. However, members of the public and even some students who came for the screening were stopped at the doors and were prevented from entering. The police were called to defend the university against the citizens and its own students. There was no reason given for denying entry except for the mention of an order from an authority figure; an order that was valid for only that day and time. Given the student complaints, the university replied publicly the next day and acknowledged that it had approved the screening, but that it could not allow it to proceed. Not only was no clear reason stated, but the university also endorsed the abusive behavior of the ushers who did not even allow the students to enter.

On March 26, a group of students occupied a room in the main building of the university. Again, the response of the administration was quick and aggressive: police were called to remove the students from the premises. Probably fearing an even bigger uproar, the police did not act against the students, but merely took note of who they were—perhaps for future reference. The students were allowed to remain in the building for the night.

A bigger surprise, however, came the next morning when the vice-director of the university candidly presented a letter in which the prefect of the county (the local representative of the Romanian government)—upon information from the “authorized institutions”—informed the university about students planning anarchist actions such as watching movies and occupying the university. In the letter, the prefect requested that the university take “adequate measures”. Even more outrageously, the vice-director insinuated that the information in the letter had been gathered by spying on the anarchist students, claiming that they were being paid. Neither of these pieces of information were presented in the letter from the prefect, and were vigorously denied by the government in the following days, though the words of the vice-director were nonetheless caught on tape. The reference to students being paid is a trope of the political discourse in Romania given that such claims were used to instigate bloody violence against peaceful student protesters in Bucharest in the early 90s.

The Babes-Bolyai University administration acted in an unforgivable manner not only by showing its political subordination to the state, but also in its disregard for the role of student movements, and the larger societal role of universities. In Romanian society, plagued by shortcomings of equality and freedom, students ought to be a sensitive antenna. Thinking and acting beyond university borders should be an indispensable part of any student's role. It was so in the May 1968 protests; it was so during the struggles of Iranian students leading to the Iranian revolution in 1979; and most recently in the carré rouge struggle of students in Quebec, Canada. By interfering with the desire of students and citizens to understand their political situation, the university has failed not only in its basic duty of providing free access to information, but also in that of serving its community.

It is difficult to follow from afar the exact development of the events in Romania. The students of Babes Bolyai University are still occupying the room; a space they have claimed for free debates. The administration seems to have accepted the occupation, but has not yet issued a letter of apology for its previous actions. Meanwhile, a group of students has already occupied the University of Bucharest, whose administration quickly welcomed their action. While these events are taking place, the Romanian media remains strangely silent. Those interested in the students' efforts can check their website.

The students have high ambitions. They are trying to systematically debate the problems plaguing the Romanian education system, a system that has been crippled not only by the many recent European and Romanian educational experiments, but also by its increased commodification. The efforts of these students, despite a certain air of Quixotism, should be welcomed. Maybe this is the beginning of a Romanian spring:

“Around the earth a lurid glow
Poured like a torrent race,
Till out of its chaotic flow
There grew a human face.” (Mihai Eminescu, Luceafarul)

[1] Douglas W. Bailey, Prehistoric Figurines: Representation and Corporeality in the Neolithic (Routledge: London and New York, 2005): 45-65.

From the World Social Forum to the Arab Revolts

Esther Vivas — 2013-04-02T03:53:08Z

Tunisia, cradle of the revolts in the Arab world, hosts from today [26 March] and until Saturday the World Social Forum (WSF), the most important international meeting of social movements and organizations. And this is not by chance. The promoters of the WSF chose this country in reference to the ‘Arab Spring.' The latter has not only given rise to new movements of opposition in North Africa and the Middle East, but has also ‘contaminated' the south of Europe, in particular with the movement of the indignant in the Spanish State, as well as the Occupy movement in the United States.

It is a new cycle of protest which has emerged on an international scale, determined by a systemic crisis of debt and austerity policies, in particular in the countries of the periphery of the European Union subjected to harsh measures of adjustment.

The ‘Arab Spring' brought a fresh wind in the long night of the crisis. It made it possible to recover confidence in collective action, in us. In January 2011, Tunisian president Ben Ali fled the country under the pressure of the street. One month later, in February 2011, history was repeated; Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak threw in the towel and resigned, forced and constrained by social mobilization. The Arab world, so long stigmatized in the West, offered a lesson of democracy to us.

Today, two years later, the World Social Forum is being held in the epicentre of these revolts, where it encounters political processes of open, unstable and chaotic change. In Tunisia, last February, the assassination of Chokri Belaïd marked a turning point. A lawyer and militant Marxist, he was one of the leaders of a Popular Front which brings together various left organizations which assert in their programme not only more democracy, but also social justice. The first political assassination of the young Tunisian democracy represented a hard blow for society and started new mobilizations against the rise of violence in the country.

Our Revolution

Both in Tunisia and in Egypt, the revolutionary processes which have emerged are today still open, but their outcome remains dubious. The democratic conquests are fragile and still limited and there have not yet been significant economic changes. An open fight is going on between those who consider that the revolution is finished and those who want to deepen it and to carry it through until its ultimate consequences. The youth and left activists show daily that they are not going to let anyone confiscate their revolution, whether it is the vestiges of the old regime or the Islamists who have come to power.

Beyond the debate on the situation of the ‘Arab Spring,' to which all the seminars and the activities of the second day of the WSF are devoted, other themes will have a particular centrality. The feminist struggle, for example, with the assembly of women, right before the beginning of the WSF, which will be devoted partly to the analysis and the sharing of experiences on the important part played by women in the Arab revolts, as depicted by Leil-Zahra in her documentary series “Words of Women from the Egyptian Revolution.” The international movement for climatic justice will organize a “Climate Space” within the WSF in order to discuss its future strategies, convergences and prospects on a key question for the future of the planet and humanity.

Since the World Social Forum organized its first meeting in January 2001, at the same time as the celebration of the World Economic Forum of Davos and as a counterpoint to the latter, much water has passed under the bridge. The WSF was born from the movement against capitalist globalization, later converted into the anti-war movement, and as a meeting point for a new total resistance against the disasters of neoliberal globalization. After having played an important part in struggles during its early meetings, it lost its political centrality in spite of a continuing high participation and it gradually died out in parallel with the movement against capitalist globalization. The context had changed and, consequently, so had its raison d'être.

“The movements are faced with the challenge of creating new space of articulation on the world scale allowing advance in the common struggle and the exchange of experiences. ”

Today, with the opening of a new cycle of protests born following the ‘Arab Spring,' with the movements of the indignant and Occupy, the World Social Forum is perceived to some extent much more as an instrument of the past than of the present and the future. But its existence highlights one of the main weaknesses of the new social movements of protest which have appeared in the context of the systemic crisis: their fragile international coordination. The movements are faced with the challenge of creating new space of articulation on the world scale allowing advance in the common struggle and the exchange of experiences. The offensive of austerity policies in all countries is truly intense and requires such an effort of national mobilization that external coordination is weakened. Although these new movements feel themselves part of the same global wave, coordination between the different actors of the movement has remained rather weak, despite the organization of global days of action and some meetings.

Currently the axis of mobilization is no longer in Latin America, where the WSF was born. It is now in the Arab world and in an old Europe boiling with protest and ‘third worldized' as it is struck by crisis. The challenge now is to learn from these struggles which in the not so distant past have emerged against debt, evictions and privatization in the countries of the South. And to advance toward the indispensable coordination of resistance which can face up to the implacable organization of capital. •

Esther Vivas is an activist in a variety of social movements in Barcelona and maintains a blog at esthervivas.com where this article first was published.

Bailiff Champion: Nnimmo Bassey

Oluwafunmilayo Oyatogun — 2013-04-02T03:52:52Z

The conversations in Nigeria are ever so often shaped around what's wrong with our country and everything the leaders are not doing. What we fail to celebrate are the efforts, big and small, of Nigerian citizens in sustainability in environment and development. Nnimmo Bassey is perhaps Nigeria's most outstanding environmental activist currently and is unrelenting in his efforts to speak up against environmental injustices. He has won several prestigious awards such as the Rafto Prize, the Right Livelihood Award and in 2009, he was named a Time Magazine Hero of the Environment. He is also an architect, author and poet. We had an opportunity to chat with Nnimmo Bassey about his service to environmental human rights.

I must say, I've admired your work from afar for a while now and I'd like to say well done for all that you've been doing.

Thank you.

What got you interested in environmental activism and how did you get started?

I did not really start out as an environmental activist; I started out as a human rights activist. From the 1980s, I focused on human rights' activism because at that time we had a surge of new democracy activism in Nigeria, and I was a part of those who were concerned with human rights' abuses of citizens by police and security officials. By the turn of the 1990s, the violence in the Niger Delta became extremely high and I decided to invest my time on environmental activism as the core of my human rights' activism. One thing people need to know is that environmental rights and human rights are one and the same.

So, you've been in this for a long, long time.

You can say that again (laughs).

I must congratulate you on the prestigious awards you have to your name; from The Right Livelihood Award to The Rafto Prize. What do you have to say about these awards?

It is significant that environmental issues are beginning to gain recognition in form of these awards. I see myself as a coordinator or leader of the work being done by people on the ground. It is a collective thing. The Right Livelihood prize was for work done on the devastation of Niger Delta communities by oil companies and the connection with climate change. The Rafto Prize was for the work done in linking environmental and human rights. In all these, very many people in the background have helped bring recognition to these issues. I see myself as a face of the many people struggling in the background so I dedicate these prizes to them.

So, would you say people are beginning to recognize environmental rights as a core part of human rights?

Yes, finally. In our environment, people are so much more close to their environment so any little change impacts their lives dramatically. So many people are suffering as a result of unregulated extraction processes, for example, over a 100 children died in Zamfara state from lead poisoning. People in the Niger Delta can't fish or farm as they should to make a living. Many of the polluting activities are simply criminal; generating revenue for the state at the expense of people, and that's a wrong idea of good and progress. At the recently concluded climate change conference in Doha, there was a proposal for fossil fuels that are underground to be left there if the world is to stand a chance of avoiding catastrophic temperature increases.

You're the only Nigerian to have won the Rafto Prize and the Right Livelihood Award was also won by the late Ken Saro-Wiwa. Do you consider Ken Saro-Wiwa a role model?

Absolutely. Ken Saro-Wiwa was very clear that environmental issues were critical for societal transformation and he reflected this in his writings through poetry, drama, and prose. He was also instrumental to the writing of the Ogoni Bill of Rights and many other ethnic groups in the Niger Delta have realized that the Bill is similar to what they are demanding. He was eventually killed for his clarity in demanding environmental responsibility from Shell and others in the Niger Delta. He has no equal.

Why do you think Nigerians as a whole are not yet vocal about environmental issues?

I think there are three reasons. Number one, we have a survivalist mentality and so people are busy struggling for survival. Unfortunately, struggling for survival outside of environmental protection is hopeless. Number two, Nigeria has become a mono-product economy based on crude oil and crude oil is the most polluting extractive resource in Nigeria. Those in the government are very dependent on the criminal activities of oil companies and the NNPC so they are unable to call them to order. If you've read the UNEP report released in 2011, you'll see that the level of degradation in the Niger Delta is appalling but it's been a year since the report was released and nothing has been done about it. So, we depend on a polluting sector. Thirdly, policies are lacking and there's no enforcement of the already existing regulations. The National Oil Spill Detection and Response Agency (NOSDRA) is not adequately funded or equipped and they have to depend on the polluter to do their job. Of course, the Senate Committee on Environment is really pushing to make sure NOSDRA can take up more regulatory responsibility and the industries are not allowed to regulate themselves.

So, could we use more environmental agencies?

We need to have bodies and organizations working on various aspects of the Nigerian environment from plastic bags and waste management to flooding. It will take a whole new movement. If you look at the recent floods, it took everybody by surprise that waters flowing upstream will end up downstream. The flood was man-made, not an act of God like people are saying, instead the water was released from the dams. It's unfortunate that they spent so much money for relief and the amount they spent does not match what people told us on the ground. The people were essentially left to fend for themselves.

Could you tell us about your organization, Environmental Rights Action (ERA) and the other environmental bodies you work with?

The Environmental Rights' Action was officially formed in 1993 and we became the Nigerian chapter of Friends of the Earth, International (FOEI) in 1996, so we also call ourselves Friends of the Earth, Nigeria. We will be 20years this year, 2013. FOE International has members in 74 countries of the world; I finished my tenure as chair of FOEI in November, 2012. Another organization is Oil Watch which was established in 1996 in Ecuador but now we're coordinating in Nigeria and we're focused on resisting fossil fuel extraction.

What do you think is the future of environmental activism and the role of the youth in this?

I don't believe the youths are the future of tomorrow; instead they are the future of today. So, we need to instigate political education for the young people and re-education for the old people. A lot of our young people want to either escape from the country or join the bandwagon of those making money quickly without considering the consequences. Many people want to “arrive” quickly and that notion needs to be challenged. However, there are a lot of young Nigerians active on social media and perhaps that's the way to reach them. It is important to link up to youths doing similar things in other parts of Africa in order to network, share strategies and collaborate.

What can young people do to support the kind of work your organizations do?

Very easy. I'd love to see an army of environmental monitor, where the youth get active and share their initiatives either by social media or otherwise. The key thing is for everyone to be alert to everything that's going on and to learn to question everything. We also need young people to get into policy making and be engaging but that must not be mistaken for co-option.

You're quite active on social media. Tell us about your blog and other outlets you use to spread this message.

I use social and new media mostly to share thoughts on issues related to environmental justice. I use my blog http://www.nnimmo.blogspot.com/ to share ideas on Nigerian as well as global issues. The sub title of the blog – Oil Politics gives an indication about the major thematic focus. By the way, I ran a column in 234NEXT newspaper for about a year before that otherwise excellent Nigerian paper took a dive. My Twitter handle is @ERAction. I may be rather annoying when it comes to being single-minded on Twitter and I cannot apologize for that. We have to make our choices as to whether we want to tweet about everything or focus on a few issues that matter the most to us. I tweet mostly about the destructive extractive activities going on in Nigeria, Africa and around the world. Occasionally you would see some tweets on hunger politics, etc. I do the same with my Facebook page. I find these spaces very useful for interactions and conversations. Sometimes it can be quite outstanding when people ask for explanations of issues and/or phenomena that they could otherwise search the internet for. To quickly reach a wider audience I turn to the excellent platform provided by the crack team at Sahara Reporters.

What two words would you use to describe Nigeria?

Exploited, hopeful.

What do you do when you're not working on environmental activism?

I'm an architect by training and I also spend a lot of my time reading.

Where do you see environmental activism in Nigeria in the next 5 years?

The direction of real environmental protection in Nigeria will be citizens driven. I see community environmental network of monitors rising up and leading a collective fight defending their environment. Already, the nucleus is budding in the oil fields of the Niger Delta, and around the mines in the Plateau, in Zamfara and in forest communities. It is getting to a point where citizens will take more aggressive (hopefully non-violent) steps to defend their environment against the destructive activities of corporations and a complicit State. I am cautiously hopeful that the environment will become a key factor in political decisions. At present political concerns are mostly about distribution of revenue along lines dictated by non-productive neo-liberal prescriptions.

It was a pleasure chatting with Nnimmo Bassey and we look forward to more leadership in revolutionary activism from him and his organizations.

Original source:http://bailiffafrica.org/bailiff-champion-nnimmo-bassey/

Event: Fighting Big Oil!!

Feroz Mehdi — 2013-04-02T03:52:50Z

Fighting Big Oil!!

Date: Saturday, June 15, 2013 - 14:00 - 16:00

Defender of climate justice in Africa and in Europe, central figure in the fight against multinational oil corporations, Nnimmo BASSEY has most notably succeeded in rendering illegal gas flaring* in Nigeria, his home country.

Winner of the Alternative Nobel Prize in 2010, coordinator of Oilwatch International and President of Friends of the Earth International, Nnimmo is, amongst other achievements, the author of "To Cook a Continent, Destructive Extraction and the Climate Crisis in Africa".

* An extremely polluting practice of burning natural gasses during petrol extraction.

Conference organized during Alternatives' Festival of Solidarity 2013

Usine C, 1345 avenue Lalonde, Montreal. Metro: Beaudry

Admission: 5$
Reserve your tickets online: https://crm.alternatives.ca/en/civicrm/event/info?reset=1&id=15
Call: 514-982-6635