Alternatives International

Displacement and inequality in the name of ‘development' – the case of Brazil

Nitasha Moothoo-Padayachie — 2011-09-01T23:20:21Z

“Between now and the 2014 World Cup, 1.5 million families will be removed from their homes across the whole of Brazil” (Zirin, 2011)1. The 2014 World Cup represents a joyous occasion celebrated globally, however for many residing in Brazilian favelas, the preparation for the World Cup as well as the 2016 Olympic Games, represents the epitome of human rights violations as millions of homes are demolished in favour of parking lots and shopping centers.

The term favela was originally used to refer to a plant with medicinal properties. Yet the term evolved during a rural civil war in the 1800's when soldiers from Bahia settled on a hill in Rio de Janeiro. They named their newly claimed land ‘Morro da Favella' in honour of the plant which thrived on the famous battle land (Valladares, 2006)2. Today, the term ‘favela' is used to refer to urban slums. This term entered social science language in the 1960's and is associated with the economically disadvantaged in Brazil. Residents are not legally entitled to reside outside the city boundaries, as ownership of the land is registered to the state government. The houses in which they live, built through their own labour or with the assistance of paid unskilled labour, often break the building codes that dictate housing standards. Living outside of laws which govern property rights, housing standards, commercial transactions and property exchanges is, a coping strategy a mass of marginalized citizens. Because of their low-incomes they are excluded from legal markets for the purchase of legal dwellings in well-located and serviced areas. Favelas thus house those forced to seek alternative forms of land occupation, shelter, income and other standard amenities. Shelter built for profit by commercial developers, or built by the state, maintain insufficient levels of subsidy to make them economically viable to the lower socioeconomic echelon. (Riley,2001)3

Favelas have been identified as an urban embarrassment. The re-location of the people living on the land occupied by favelas is considered a means of enabling tourists to have an enjoyable experience in Brazil. Whilst such relocation initiatives require adequate planning, the economically disenfranchised are being shunted from pillar to post since they have no land rights. With the displacement of favelas in a reckless manner, Brazil has begun to teeter on the brink committing grave human rights violations . In 2009, Human Rights Watch released a report regarding abuses that have plagued Brazil's crime infected cities, such as Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, as local law enforcers commit unlawful killings and excessive uses of force. Brazilian authorities must crackdown on unsafe destruction of homes and neighbourhoods, as well as known human rights abuse cases, to avoid a tarnished image of Brazil and to show the international community that as a nation they value human rights.4

A concrete example of attempts to extend land rights to favela residents are the cases of Pavão-Pavãozinho and the neighbouring Cantagalo. In 1982, Leonel Brizola was elected state governor of Rio de Janeiro on a populist ticket of improving public education, increasing food subsidies and regularising land tenure. For the latter, he launched the Cada Família Um Lote (CFUL) (One Family One Plot) programme, aiming to distribute over one million freehold land titles to favela residents. Pavão-Pavãozinho Cantagalo were singled out for a model upgrading project, and CFUL was to legalise land settlementsand distribute deeds to each household. After compiling a cadaster, the state government registered the land with the municipal authorities who were to issue the definitive titles.

This process was never completed, however, and of the 716 households who should have received freehold deeds, just 436 received provisional deeds (CEHAB, 1986) for which they paid a symbolic fee. Cumbersome bureaucracy, exacerbated by political resistance to the objectives of CFUL by a conservative element within the state government, and finally, the loss of the state elections by Brizola's party (the PDT) in 1986 all ensured that CFUL was abandoned and that the final deeds were never issued to Pavão-Pavãozinho's residents.

The displacement of the poor in the name of development is a crime against Brazilan citizens. It furthermore unbalances the economic distribution of wealth and perpetuates the low quality of life for a substantial portion of Brazil's population. Brazil must address these human rights violations if it wants to move towards a developed country. Furthermore, it is not clear whether Brazil has given due thought to the possibility of backlash from the socially excluded and the possibility of a civil war.

Photos: Nitasha Moothoo-Padayachie

67 Minutes: A successful example of social cohesion

Nitasha Moothoo-Padayachie — 2011-08-02T18:29:52Z

"It is ordinary people...that make the world a special place,"
- Nelson Mandela, 2008

July 18th not only marks the birthday of the great Nelson Mandela, but also marks a recently enacted 'Mandela Day,' an international celebration that is aimed at inspiring social activism and appealing to the humanity in us all. Nelson Mandela is the first world leader to be dedicated an international day by the United Nations. This day is not simply an event of celebration, but is a day of selflessness and civic action in South Africa. People all over the country gave generously in honour of the “67 minutes” campaign which is observed in celebration and respect for the 67 years of activism Nelson Mandela has given to South Africa. Mandela Day inspires people to mobilize themselves for social action on a large scale; not only in South Africa but around the world. Millions of people participated in assisting children's homes, animal shelters, schools and local community projects. Others gave in simple ways, offering a cup of tea to the municipal workers labouring tirelessly on local South African roads in the biting winter chill. These small acts of kindness are examples of the humanity and social cohesion our societies are capable of.

How then can the 67 minutes campaign be made a sustainable one which essentially, goes to scale, and allows for a more connected and socially aware global society? Human rights adds significance to the agenda of development. They draw attention to accountability for the delivery of development benefits to all people, lend legal and moral legitimacy, and bestow a sense of social justice to the objectives of human development. This perspective directs attention in setting development goals to the rights and needs of the most vulnerable and marginalized members of society, especially where deprivations are the result of discrimination. It also highlights the right to information, political voice for all, and other civil and political rights as an integral part of the development process. As such, consciousness of human rights lends an important and objective normative tool to address the inherent power issues underlying many of the contemporary development problems, and can lead to social cohesion, which is essential in the transformation process to a better society for all. [1]

The success of human rights-based development strategies will primarily rest on the recognition and respect for the primacy of universal human rights by the state. As was highlighted in the Human Development Report in 2000, “respect for human rights is to be reflected in a state's norms, institutions, legal frameworks and enabling economic, political and policy environment.” Intrinsic steps in this regard have to be taken through:

• Advocacy: sensitisation of all stakeholders in the broadest sense of the word

• Institutional development: creation of sustainable institutional systems

• Implementation: the application of human rights in law and reality

• Monitoring: effective systems for societal monitoring of human rights enforcement

• Redress: transparent mechanisms to correct human rights violations

• Specific measures: affirmative action for addressing structural issues that perpetuate inequality and discrimination. [2]

These recommendations, tabled by the United Nations can only be realized through sustained efforts by all individuals. As Mandela said, it will ultimately be the work of ordinary people that make the world a special place. As a global village, citizens of the world need to move towards an active engagement across societies that recognizes difference and includes the voices of the poor and excluded. To guard human rights and promote social cohesion, active citizenship must be complimented by political, civil, economic, social and cultural rights. The recent victory of the Egyptian people demonstrates the value of active citizenship and a commitment to a better life.

With regards to the post-1994 period in South Africa, the government has “affirmed public participation as ‘deepening democracy' in a way consistent with the ideological heritage of the African National Congress.” Participatory democracy has thus been emphasised as central to its governing agenda, with the reform of local government as the centrepiece of this commitment. Through enactment of the Municipal Structures Act of 1998 and Municipal Systems Act of 2000, the African National Congress has implemented several mechanisms for participatory governance, including ward committees, public/development forums, and Integrated Development Planning (IDP).

Despite the observation of Mandela Day, many challenges remain. South Africa's fledgling democracy still has a long road to walk to realize equal rights in its true sense, then again, so do all countries; developing and developed. The Mandela Day campaign must be internalized by all citizens of the world as an every day initiative. It is everyone's responsibility to promote human rights and social cohesion and recognize the importance of global citizenship on a day to day basis. If South Africa and the world can demonstrate and internalize the values expounded by Nelson Mandela for 67 minutes annually; what really stops us from embodying these values 365 days a year? As global citizens, we can be more if we believe in something bigger than ourselves.

Footnotes:
1. Adapted from Human Rights in UNDP, Practice Note, 2005

2. UNDP Practice Note, 2005

Photo: Abode of Chaos (flickr)

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Nitasha Moothoo-Padayachie is a PhD student at WITS School of Politics. She is currently Deputy-Director at the Public Administration Leadership and Management Academy and is responsible for the rollout of skills programmes to South African youth. She has a keen interest in feminist politics and theory.

Gendercide in India: the patriarchy of birth

Nitasha Moothoo-Padayachie — 2011-07-01T15:16:21Z

Gendercide, as coined by Mary Ann Warren in her1985 book, is viewed as a product of poverty or ignorance. This article will help demonstrate that the issue of gendercide is not class or education specific. Whilst this discussion will be confined to the case of India, the war on baby girls is in fact a global phenomenon.

Sex selection is a taboo issue at the University of Illinois, Chicago. The American Society for Reproductive Medicine is no longer concerned that society will create an artificial gender imbalance, and has thus approved sperm separation as a method for gender balancing within a family. [1] Currently, no legislation exists which prevents American families from accessing technology that enables sex selection. The UK President's Council on Bioethics keeps a record of the ethical aspects of sex selection for non-medical purposes, but it has not yet issued an opinion. Early concerns are that gender balances will be altered and that human embryos will be wasted. Gendercide is actively being practiced in China, and with dire consequences. According to a study by China's Academy for Social Sciences, more than 24 million men will be unable to marry by the year 2020. [2] The study claims that this phenomenon is worse in rural areas where aging Chinese farmers are seeking boys to carry on the family legacy. This motivation to select male births relates back to the question of why this phenomenon is so rife, particularly in developing countries.

India's provisional 2011 census data released at the end of March painted a bleak picture of India's gender imbalance, with a national child sex ratio of just 914 females to 1,000 males - the lowest figure since independence in 1947. [3] The patriarchy of Indian society however, does not limit itself to the issue of labour. This attitude speaks to a much deeper matter of girls not being allowed to carry the family name. In addition, girls are not allowed to inherit any family assets or accumulated wealth. If a family does not have any sons, the wealth is automatically transferred to the husband of the first daughter, hence surrendering centuries of family gains to another family. Married women in India face huge pressure to produce male children, who are largely seen as breadwinners of the family. Meanwhile girls are often viewed as a financial burden as they require hefty dowries to be married off. [4]
Gendercide must be understood as a phenomenon that is not isolated to the poor or uneducated; it is female genocide across all castes and classes. The situation is particularly alarming among upper-caste Hindus in some of the urban areas of Punjab, Rajasthan, Haryana, Himachal Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh. Particularly in parts of Punjab there are only 300 girls for every 1,000 boys according to Laura Turquet, ActionAid's women's rights policy official. ActionAid has collaborated with Canada's International Development Research Center (IDRC) to conduct research and has produced a report called "Disappearing Daughters". [5] 

The ActionAid report cites findings from locations spanning across five states in north and northwest India, revealing that the sex ratio of girls to boys has not only worsened, but is accelerating compared to the last national census in 2001. One of the reasons for this accelerated rate of female feticide is the abuse of ultrasound technology to determine the gender of the unborn. The purveyors of the ultrasound business in every city, town and village of India entice parents by telling them to "spend 500 rupees now and save 50,000 rupees later.” The cost of the ultrasound scan is Rs. 500 and the required dowry for marrying daughters off exceeds Rs. 50,000.00. [6] The issue of the dowry tends to be the biggest risk facing Indian families. Many girls have now begun working and saving for their own dowries in order for this ‘burden' to be shifted from their parents.

Overall, the increase in the abortion frequency for female fetuses in India is a matter of global importance. These abortions demonstrate that gender discrimination is starting at the fetal level. Therefore, there must be a radical change in the cultural practices of inheritance and marriage in order for girls to be placed on par with boys. If this matter is not addressed, India's boys will become bachelors faced with the same problems as those of the Chinese, as discussed earlier. In conclusion, these cultural practices and expectations should be addressed through radical legislation, policy, and education that will enable India to value a female child equally to a male child. Such recognition of the issue will thereby secure the future of India's population and the rights of women.

Photos: mckaysavage, Pratham Books (flickr)

1. http://www.livescience.com/6921-boy-girl-gender-baby-pick.html
2. http://english.aljazeera.net/news/asia-pacific/2010/01/201011283918850331.html
3. http://news.yahoo.com/s/afp/20110520/wl_sthasia_afp/indiapopulationgendersocietykashmir_20110520053624
4. http://news.yahoo.com/s/afp/20110520/wl_sthasia_afp/indiapopulationgendersocietykashmir_20110520053624
5. http://www.riazhaq.com/2009/07/female-genocide-unfolding-in-india.html
6. http://www.riazhaq.com/2009/07/female-genocide-unfolding-in-india.html

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[4] 4

[5] 5

[6] 6

Gender Mainstreaming in the South African Public Service

Nitasha Moothoo-Padayachie — 2011-06-01T21:17:00Z

In 1995, the mainstreaming of gender was identified as a key process for instituting change to the new South African democracy. South Africa ratified the Beijing Platform for Action, an agenda towards female empowerment, and made a firm commitment to the mainstreaming of gender within the Public Service by creating the National Gender Machinery. However, appreciation for the diversity between men and women still remains limited in most government departments, and the processes currently in place are not making much of a difference.

The process of gender mainstreaming is especially important in a participatory democracy, as it enables international agreements in the area of gender to have clout. Gender is widely recognised as a marginalised issue, and the UN defines gender mainstreaming

“as the process of assessing the implications for women and men of any planned action, including legislation, policies or programs, in all areas and at all levels. It is a strategy for making women's as well as men's concerns and experiences an integral dimension of the design, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of policies and programs in all political, economic and societal spheres so that women and men benefit equally, and inequality is not perpetuated”. (UN/DAW 1998:4)

South Africa further attempted to pledge its commitment to the fight for gender equality through the Convention for the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, the Southern African Development Community Declaration on Gender and Development, the African Union Protocol on the African Charter on Human and People's Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa, and the Constitution of South Africa which clearly stipulates the rights of equality. The latter came into effect in 1996. Following the Beijing Platform for Action, countries around the world set up institutions that would be responsible for the achievement of the aims of the agenda.

South Africa's National Policy Framework for Women's Empowerment and Gender Equality of 2002, also known as the Gender Policy Framework, reflects South Africa's vision for gender equality and how it intends to realize this ideal. The policy stipulates the overarching principles, practices and programs which will be integrated by all sectors of the South African government into their policies. This gender policy also details a strategy for gender mainstreaming and provides guiding principles for its implementation. Most importantly the policy details the long and short term mechanisms for determining the extent of gender justice and equality. This however, was undertaken in a very limited manner with many departments using the Employment Equity Act as a compliance measure for gender equality.

The National Gender Machinery (NGM), led by what was then called the Office on the Status of Women, was tasked with monitoring and assisting with gender mainstreaming initiatives in the South African Public Service. The NGM was composed of the Commission for Gender Equality (with members from the private sector and universities), non-governmental institutions, Gender Focal Points, and the Office on the Status of Women. The Joint Monitoring Committee for Improving the Quality of Life and Status of Women (JMC) was also set up to monitor the implementation of mainstreaming initiatives. In May 2009 a Ministry of Women, Children, Youth and the Disabled was established.

Even though the above measures were in place to monitor the process of gender mainstreaming, a report by the Public Service Commission (PSC) of 2006, “Gender Mainstreaming Initiatives in the Public Service,” revealed there are many challenges facing the Public Service.

There is a lack of knowledge about gender mainstreaming in most departments and across all levels. Senior management does not know how to move from vision (policy) to strategy and action. The main reason for this is because of a lack of knowledge and understanding of what it is that needs to be changed, why it needs to be changed, how to go about the change process, and what results should be produced. (Public Service Commission report, 2006:14)

A way forward was proposed by the Public Service Commission. The national government training arm was tasked with developing the Gender Mainstreaming Training program that would provide Public Service officials at the local, provincial and national level with the necessary skills to mainstream gender effectively. What has emerged from the rollout of the training program practiced since 2008, however, is that training is only one piece of what needs to be in place in order for gender to be mainstreamed effectively within government departments. Key institutional mechanisms are needed to support the mainstreaming of gender such as buy-in from senior management, allocation of resources (both personnel and financial), and political will. Policy must be accompanied by implementation that is monitored and evaluated; the Public Service must create a culture that recognizes gender as a marginalized issue. Gender must further not be recognized as a “women's issue,” and there must be a clear reporting strategy on the status of gender issues at local, provincial and national level, since South Africa's government model is a three tiered system.

Currently, the suggestion of a skills program is insufficient to elicit change. The South African Public Service needs to take up the baton to institute change in a holistic manner in order to honour its obligations to already ratified international agreements on gender, and for South African citizens to benefit from the mainstreaming initiatives of a Public Service that recognizes gender as a marginalized issue.

Johannesburg, South Africa

References:

South African Public service Commission Report, 2006
Rai, S.M. (2008) (ed.), International Perspectives on Gender and Democratization, Basingstoke: Macmillan
Gender Mainstreaming a Definition, available at www.un.org