Alternatives International

Beyond Land Grabs: The Need for a New Approach

Geneviève Lavoie-Mathieu — 2013-08-02T01:28:00Z

The controversy surrounding land grabbing in Africa has sparked debates worldwide, but according to Dr. Lorenzo Cotula, who is a researcher at the International Institute for Environment and Development (IIED) in London and an expert on the topic, it is now time to adopt a new approach.

A Polarized Debate

Numerous human rights defense organization, such as Oxfam have denounced the devastating impact of the worldwide wave of large scale land acquisitions. According to the international organization, populations are invariably losing in front of local elites and national or foreign investors, because they lack the necessary power to assert their rights and promote their interests. But, according to Cotula, it doesn't have to be that way.

Some, like the World Bank, "emphasize the need for investment in agriculture to feed the world's growing population. They point to the capital, know-how, infrastructure and market links that corporations can contribute" according to Cotula. For others, like Oxfam and FIAN International, large-scale land investments represent a risk for populations as the phenomenon, they argue, is driven by speculation and not agricultural production, which poses a threat to local food security.

Beyond a highly polarized debate, the opposition of confronting parties is not helping in any way, says Cotula. In fact, whether in favor of large-scale or smaller-scale agriculture, all parties ignore the need for further analysis of the various models that involve small and large enterprises.

Investing in Farmers not in Land

In a book launched on July 15 in London and titled 'The Great African Land Grab?', Cotula demonstrates how governments, investors, civil society organizations and farmers can ensure that land investments not only generate profits but also respond to local communities' needs.

In fact, Cotula claims that well structured investments could create new opportunities for local producers. For example, “where a company invests in a processing plant and sources from local farmers".

“Small-scale farmers remain the main source of investment in African agriculture, and it is through promoting investment in these farmers, not in their land, that African governments are most likely to increase food security,” says Cotula.

The case of KASCOL

The case of KASCOL in Zambia is, according to the researcher, an example in which investments have benefited local communities. Land was leased by KASCOL to 160 out-growers, on the basis of 14-year long contracts.

Out-grower schemes, according to the FAO, are defined as ‘a contractual partnership between growers or landholders and a company for the production of commercial forest products'. This out-grower scheme resulted in greater revenues and standards of living for those who participated than it did for other people who worked for the same company. According to the report "joint ownership of the company, whereby local groups have an equity stake in the business, provides the poor with additional income opportunities and with avenues to oversee the management of the business."

Unfortunately, according to the authors of the report, this model is one that is rare in Zambia even if investment agricultural policies should support more inclusive business models.

"No experience is perfect, of course, and the report shows this, but there are plenty of lessons that can be learned from the more imaginative models" Cotula said.

Most farmland sold for industrial agriculture in this wave of large-scale land acquisitions is under customary systems of tenure and converted to lease with the consent of local chiefs.

The difficulty stems from the fact that historical legacies, powerful forces in markets, and biased legal frameworks make local landholders vulnerable to dispossession.

Ultimately, he says, it is not just about defending rights, it is also about increasing choice. A good example is the case in Tanzania or Mozambique, where "villagers can use land, but they cannot rent out land that they claim but do not currently use; governments simply treat this land as 'empty' and allocate it to investors over the heads of local people".

Taking Responsibility

Ultimately, this controversy is also a reminder of our responsibility as consumers and citizens. While"[s]ome of the world's richest people are hoping to pocket handsome profits from the deals. [...] ultimately, the root driver of the land rush is not 'them', the Chinese or the 'greedy capitalists', but 'us' - our collective expectation of ever rising living standards, coupled with the aspiration of the rising middle class in emerging economies to enjoy similar levels of material consumption. A solid understanding of these fundamental drivers is necessary to identify levers and pressure points for effective policy responses".

Burkina Faso: Gold, a Double-Edged Sword?

Geneviève Lavoie-Mathieu — 2013-04-02T03:53:24Z

Talatout Boukari, community leader of Essakane in Burkina Faso, in partnership with the international organization FIAN, was in the Netherlands to raise awareness on the negative impact of Canadian gold mining company, IAMGOLD, on its community.

Unlike Canadians, “we didn't need a diploma to find gold”, declared Talatout Boukari, president of the village development council of Essakane, in Burkina Faso, speaking at a conference in the Netherlands on March 22, 2013.

In fact, the people from Essakane have been living off artisanal gold mining for over 25 years. Ironically, following the arrival of IAMGOLD in the region, they have been displaced and refused the right to work for the Canadian gold mine, because “they were not qualified enough.”

“We discovered gold in the region of Essakane in 1985”, told the Burkinabé at a conference at the University of Wageningen. “It was a year of famine. This gold we discovered came as a gift of God”, he continued.

In collaboration with FIAN International, an organization working for the right to food worldwide, Boukari flew from Burkina Faso for a conference tour to raise awareness on the critical situation in Essakane.

It was also the occasion for FIAN to present a new documentary called “Prospérité sous terre” (“Prosperity Beneath the Soil”) realized by Ronnie Rodriguez. The film shows the impact of gold mining in Northern Burkina Faso and the fight of the community that is affected by the mining giant, IAMGOLD.

Essakane is located in the North-East of Burkina Faso, in the Sahel region. There are more than 13 communities who inhabit the area, which represents around 2600 households who identify themselves with various ethnic groups, such as the Fulani, Tuareg and Sonraïs.

In 2003, following measures taken by the government under the advice of the World Bank, laws were reformed to facilitate foreign investments into the country. As a result, the country saw its gold production skyrocket.

Between 2007 and 2011, gold production went from 5.5 tons to almost 33 tons produced per year. In 2000, IAMGOLD was granted 10,000 ha at Essakane for the construction of an industrial gold mine, the most important mining project nationwide.

Boukari explained that the settlement of the Canadian mining company in the region has meant major life changes for the 13,000-person rural community: first, the government pressured them to relocate. According to Boukari the government and IAMGOLD promised them new land, new houses, and jobs, but the hope of a better life never materialized in the end.

Dissatisfaction has grown in the community mainly because mining activities have impacted their traditional way of living. Industrial gold mining interferes with agricultural activities, herding, and artisanal gold mining, or ‘gold washers.'

For example, market gardening activities were relocated to zones that are not as fertile as before. The last harvests of sorghum are an illustration of this, said Nikita Shahbazi, representing FIAN Netherlands. Yields were only one thirteenth of what they usually are, she said, which is less than sufficient to fulfill the community's needs.

Access to water has also become problematic. While in the past the community owned over 2000 artisanal wells, the mining company now provides them with one tank of water, which is not enough for all activities in this arid region. Many also fear the contamination of the environment and water through heavy metals, as it occurred in Bolivia, for example and in the Philippines.

Boukari explains that herders and livestock keepers were told not to let their animals feed from zones near the mine, as they would be contaminated and would be improper to consume. New houses were built for them but as shown in the documentary Prospérité sous terre they are cement cubes not originally conceived for living, but are rather quick alternatives to relocate people.

For FIAN, the way in which IAMGOLD manages the operations represents an important violation of human rights, notably the right to adequate food, access to water, to a healthy environment, education and employment.

FIAN is currently mediating discussion with the main stakeholders and attempting to gather the government, IAMGOLD, and the community members together to come to a common agreement, which could lead to improvements for the Essakane community.

IAMGOLD is now planning to expand its mining operations, which would mean that the Essakane community would have to be relocated once more. In total, more than 600 permits have been granted for mining since 2003, and there are four more large-scale projects that are to be implemented before 2014.

According to FIAN, more than 90 percent of the profits of the Essakane mine go to Canadian shareholders. Boukari said that its community is not opposed to mining but that they want to have their fair share of benefits.

Mining activities in Essakane will cease in 14 years, according to estimates from FIAN, but this will not happen without leaving a hole in the landscape, as well as in the pockets and hearts of Burkinabé.

Violence against Women: a Deeply Rooted Problem in the Intransigency of Men?

Geneviève Lavoie-Mathieu — 2012-12-02T02:16:07Z

Even with the rise of feminism and women worldwide vindicating their rights, demanding equal pay and denunciating sexism and violence against women remains a problem which transcends borders, economic, social class and religion beliefs. November 25, the International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women, celebrated since 1981, highlights questions such as the root causes of violence against women and why it still remains. The case of Peru is a shocking example: forty percent of women have reported to have been subjected to physical violence by their male partner.

Violence against women, according to the United Nations' definition includes "any act of gender-based violence that results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual or psychological harm or suffering to women, including threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in public or private life."

First and foremost, violence against women is a social problem, without economic, racial or cultural distinctions, which has major negative health, economic and developmental consequences on communities throughout the world. This is a problem, which according to Teresa Viviano Llave, representative of the Ministry of Women and Vulnerable People of Peru, “settles quietly in numerous families yet leaves terrible consequences.”

In Peru, the situation is particularly alarming. According to statistics from the Spanish based NGO Feminicidio.net sixty-five percent of married women in Peru have suffered domestic violence or abuse from their partners. According to the Ministry of Women and Vulnerable Populations of Peru (Ministerio de Mujeres y Poblaciones Vulnerables) twelve women die every month in murders related to what has been coined as femicide.

Machista culture

During a forum last week in Lima on the Role of the State and Civil Society's role against femicides (Rol del Estado y la Sociedad Civil frente al feminicidio) Maria Ysabel Cedano, a lawyer who works for the NGO DEMUS, explained in most instances where women are murdered the circumstances are related to domestic violence. In fact, according to the World Health Organization (WHO), in Peru in seventy percent of the cases where a woman was murdered, her partner was the killer. Men on the other hand are murdered for numerous reasons including robbery, drug trafficking and vengeance, according to the DEMUS representative.

The motives that lead men to kill their female partner are also revealing of the root causes of violence: macho culture. According to Cedano, men convicted of femicide cited infidelity, belief of infidelity, refusal to accept the termination of their relationship, or the pursuit of sexual relations as the main reasons for their crimes. These all show signs of control and dominance.

In the 1995 Beijing declaration and platform of action of the 4th UN World Conference on Women, the largest and most influential conference of its kind, governments and NGOs worldwide agreed in the final declaration that "violence against women is a manifestation of the historically unequal power relations between men and women, which have led to domination over and discrimination against women by men and to the prevention of women's full advancement." Hence, violence against women can be partly explained by the fact that it emerges from within society where women are considered intrinsically inferior to men.

In fact, culture, social patterns and unequal power relationships between men and women create an environment where men come to see relationships in a distorted manner so that control and often abuse are perceived as signs of loyal love. According to a national study of the National Program Against Domestic and Sexual Violence in Peru (PNCVFS), fifty-six percent of cases of violence against women were perpetrated on the grounds of jealousy. This reveals that violence against women is at least partly the result of a patriarchal and macho society, in which men's insecurities drive their dominance and repression.

Instead of victimising women, Cedano argues that on the contrary women should be empowered. “We are not going to move forward unless the culture changes,” she argues. Women need to be empowered with sexual education, the right to make decisions about their bodies, affordable contraception and respect of their sexual rights. The problem will only begin to disappear “when women and the state will be able to openly speak about sexuality and the right to pleasure, without any shame nor influence from the Church.” Women's sexuality must belong to them, and only them, and only then will there be a positive change, according to Cedano.

Excessive control and violence as ‘normal'

According to a government survey (Peru: Encuesta demografica y de Salud Familiar, 2011) an average of 65.6 percent of women in the country declared their partner exerted some sort of control over them. For 47.8 percent, the partner insisted on knowing where they were going and for 42.7 percent, the partner was being excessively insistent, dominant or jealous. Cesar Ortiz Anderson—president of APROSEC, a non-profit organisation that foments public safety in Peru—explains that these subtle forms of violence and the machista culture contribute to some women thinking that these types of power abuse and even physical violence are 'normal' and prevents them from denunciating.

More than violence

Violence against women, which includes domestic violence, sexual slavery, forced prostitution and genital mutilation stems from discrimination, inequalities and failure to respect women's rights. Hence, ending the gender-based violence starts by recognizing the human rights of women and empowering them. Above all, tackling violence against women starts with women themselves: leading campaigns, speaking out against injustice, breaking taboos and defending their rights.

Gastronomic Boom in Peru: Redefining Culture and Identity

Geneviève Lavoie-Mathieu — 2012-10-01T21:58:20Z

From September 9 to 16, the most important International Food Fair in Latin America was held in Lima, la Mistura. Over half a million people, nationals and tourists alike, attended the two-week long event, an illustration of the gastronomic boom undergoing Peru. Along with a rich history observable in Machu Picchu and other archeological ruins, Peruvian food has become one of the strongest symbols of the growing nation and a way to consolidate its cultural identity. The culinary sector is flourishing, with increasing numbers of local food fairs, farmer's markets, innovative micro-enterprises, small scale producers and close to 50,000 students enrolled in cooking school.

Promoting Indigenous Products and Small Scale Farming

La Mistura was an event organised by ‘Sociedad Peruana de Gastronomia' (APEGA), the Peruvian Gastronomic Society. It provides an opportunity to strengthen the links between the public and the different actors in the ‘gastronomic chain', which involves, directly and indirectly, more than five million people. One of the main aims of the event was to reinforce the links between producers and the people from the culinary industry, as part of a strategy of the 'Alliance Chefs-Farmer.' As part of this alliance, there were various agro ecological producers of the National Association of Ecological Producers of Peru (ANPE) participating in more than twenty-one stands. These stands showcased a wide variety of products from all three regions of the country—a demonstration of Peru's biodiversity, one of the richest of the planet.

Agriculturists and ecological producers are the guardians of biodiversity as they manage natural resources and play an important role in ensuring food security in the country. Overall, they are responsible for the production of seven out of ten tonnes of food consumed by Peruvians. Small-scale producers are behind the Peruvian gastronomic boom, and play a key part in Peru's 'gastronomic chain' and food culture. Gaston Acurio, a Peruvian chef and ambassador of Peruvian food, argues that the future and the greatness of Peru depends on these small scale producers.

Food Fueling Economic Development

This surging interest in gastronomy and the food sector represents an enormous potential in terms of employment, revenues, and the potential economic strengthening of Peru. According to the 2009-10 Oxfam report, ‘Poverty, Inequalities and Development in Peru', one out of four jobs in Peru is related to small-scale agriculture. This sector represents the principal source of employment, with thirty six percent of the population economically active.

Peru, a booming economy with a growing rate of 7.21 percent, is a leading exporting country in agricultural products, notably in organic coffee and bananas. According to a study of APEGA, gastronomy in Peru in 2009, the country generated revenues of 40,000 million soles (around $15,000 million USD), which represents around 11.2 percent of the GNP projected for 2009—double the production of the mining sector in 2008.

This surging interest in this sector also translates into the increasing number of culinary institutes and students deciding to pursue a career in gastronomy, simultaneously stimulating the tourist industry. Peru was recently voted ‘best culinary destination' in Latin America, which according to Liz Chuecas of the organization Prom-Peru, is an opportunity for Peru to become recognized internationally and boost tourism. In 2008 alone, more than 95,000 tourists came exclusively for gastronomic purposes, the majority from neighbouring Ecuador and Chile, and generated over $120 million USD in revenues.

This has the potential to boost not only the country's economic development, but also efforts of Peruvian food to reaffirm Peruvian cultural identity, according to Mariano Valderrama Leon, author of an essay on the subject: “Gastronomia, Desarrollo e Identidad Cultural, El Caso Peruano”. Food plays an important part in the national definition. According to a survey from APOYO, a majority of Peruvians declare that their food represents their national identity more than artesania, folkloric music and dances and football.

The promotion of Peruvian gastronomy partly comes as a wider effort from the government to promote the richness of Peru's history, biodiversity and culture at a national and international level. The Comisión de Promoción del Perú para la Exportación y el Turismo campaign ‘Marca Peru' is an effort to reinforce Peru's image as a family destination, and a country full of touristic opportunities, exportations and investments. Through the promotion of their food, Peruvians have the potential to reaffirm their identity, reinforce the value of regional and local products as well as enhance biodiversity.

Protests on Mining Projects in Peru: A Crisis of Governance

Geneviève Lavoie-Mathieu — 2012-08-01T16:53:53Z

Five hundred years ago, Spanish conquistadors, who conquered the Inca Empire, pillaged gold and silver from what is today known as Peru. Five hundred years later, gold and other minerals are still a source of exploitation, conflict, and violence.

The extractive industry now accounts for seventy-five percent of the country's export earnings and according to Jorge Merino, Minister for Energy and Mines, there are over fifty billion USD in investment expected over the next decade. While the recent commodities boom has made of Peru one of the world's fastest growing economies, the royalties paid to the national government often fail to materialize in real benefits for local communities.

The government's effort to deal with these investments has often been met with discontent and has led to tensions and violence between mining companies, local communities, and the police. According to the ombudsman's office, conflicts over social and environmental issues have left close to 200 people dead and 2000 injured during protests between 2006 and 2011.

Earlier in May, in the southern province of Espinar, police shot and killed two local community members. Later in July, in Cajamarca, the constant struggle between foreign mining corporations and indigenous populations culminated in violent demonstrations. Hundreds gathered to demonstrate their opposition to the Conga project. The 4.8 billion USD project is operated by Newmont, one of the world's largest gold producers. The population fears the mining activities will produce enormous amounts of toxic waste; they oppose the US-based conglomerate's plans to drain the pristine water from three lakes and replace them with reservoirs. Protests against the mining giant have left five dead and dozens more injured.

Following these events and the intensification of the opposition from local communities, a state of emergency was declared for the third time in the last six months, and for the second time in five weeks. For local communities, this implies the suspension of constitution rights, including the right to assembly and transit.

International reaction

In response to the government's violent repression of protestors, over eighty human rights and environmental groups from Canada and the US have urged Peru to halt repression and human rights abuse against mining protesters. On July 13, they published a statement condemning the recent events and expressed great concerns about the repression of free speech, police brutalities, and human rights violations.

The signatories include Friends of the Earth, Mining Watch Canada, Oxfam America, Amazon Watch, Rainforest Action Network, and the United Steelworkers. They called on the government to engage in a "peaceful dialogue-based resolution to conflicts related to the Conga mine and other mining and energy projects."

Political outlook

Paradoxically, President Ollanta Humala was elected in June 2011, after promising to ensure that all Peruvians see more benefit from the exploitation of the country's natural resources. Last year, the Peruvian President also approved a law giving indigenous communities the right to be consulted about development on their lands following the events of 2009 in Bagua, an Amazon region where more than thirty people were killed during protests against oil and mining projects.

In reaction to the government's handling of the conflict, the Regional President Gregorio Santos, one of the leaders of the protests in Cajamarca, has publicly called for the removal of President Humala from office. According to the Peruvian daily, La Republica, Santos reportedly asked the crowd, "What happens to a president who does not honor his words or his commitments?" To which the crowd responded, "He is removed."

Humala has proved more concerned with economic growth than the protection of indigenous populations. The president is in favor of the Conga project, the biggest mining investment in the country's history, which, according to him, will bring jobs and tax revenues.

The population is not against all mining activities but demands more benefits and objects to the destruction of their environment, as it often affects agriculture and livestock.

Need to address environmental damages and social development

In order to ensure that mining projects benefit and respect local communities, several basic policy changes should be enacted by the Peruvian government and the extractive industry.

"If you want social legitimacy," says Kurt Burneo, a former Peruvian Minister of Production, "it is important to build trust and for companies as well as for the government to show transparency." Earlier this year, Peru complied to the global standards of the Extractive Industries Transparencies Initiative (EITI). The EITI is a mechanism that aims at reducing corruption by getting extractive industry companies to publish information about their tax and non-tax payments to the state. However, this alone is not enough. So far, the protests against social and environmental harms inflicted on local communities by foreign owned companies have demonstrated the inability to generate the prospected economic benefits and social development from extractive activities.

According to Oxfam America, as a first step in the resolution of the conflicts, Humala needs to 'end criminalization of mining protests' and respect the citizens' 'basic human right to peacefully express their views'. The Peruvian president has spoken of a need for a 'renewed vision' concerning mining activities in the country; he now needs to find a way to coordinate economic activities with environmental protection and social development and benefits.

Promoting Organic Agriculture in Africa : The Need to Lead by Example

Geneviève Lavoie-Mathieu — 2012-07-01T21:57:00Z

“Organic agriculture can offer an impressive array of food security, economic, environmental, and health benefits for developing countries, including in Africa,” declared Petko Draganov, UN Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) deputy secretary-general last May at the second annual African Organic Conference.

The conference's theme, "Mainstreaming Organic Agriculture in the African Development Agenda", sought to emphasize the importance of food security, sustainable agriculture, and a transition towards a ‘green' economy according to Draganov.

The three hundred conference participants urged governments of Africa to include organic agriculture as a core element in their policies and programs.
Paradoxically, there are currently more organic farms (certified and non-certified) in Africa than in any other continent. At the same time it has been proven that conventional agriculture as practiced in most of the Americas and Europe is not sustainable, characterized by its emphasis on productivity and not on health, environmental and social benefits.

Knowing that the main markets for organic products are in Europe and North America, would an increased production in Africa mean that all exports are leaving with little or no benefits for small-scale farmers ? Is the emphasis on the 'green economy', just another excuse for western organizations not to turn to 'green solutions' but rather to impose their view of sustainable development on the Global South ?

Keeping science away from African nations ?

Wellesley College professor Robert Paarlberg,argues that Western donors, NGOs and governments have been advocating for the use of costly organic farming techniques as the alternative to chemical fertilizer use.

In his book Starved for Science : How Biotechnology is Being Kept Out of Africa, he argues that while only one percent of America and four percent in Europe is being farmed organically, African nations are told they should farm organically.

Bill Gates is another advocate of biotech in Africa as a means to increase food security. He said that in order to “develop crops that can grow in a drought ; that can survive in a flood ; that can resist pests and disease… [w]e need higher yields on the same land in harsher weather. And we will never get it without a continuous and urgent science-based search to increase productivity”.

On the opposite side, the International Assessment of Agricultural Knowledge, Science and Technology for Development (IAASTD) concluded after four years of research that genetically modified crops do not help small-scale farmers, and that to reduce hunger, investment is needed in rural infrastructure (roads, markets, irrigation development, rural schools and colleges).

The IAASTD also found that sustainable agricultural development "will require investment in systems such as organic agriculture, which build on traditional knowledge and give traditional farmers the tools they need to thrive without becoming dependent on expensive external inputs".

Organic agriculture makes sense in African nations, argues Manjo Smith of the IFOAM because it builds on available resources. In fact, the continent of Africa holds around sixty percent of the world's available and unexploited cropland, numerous indigenous plant varieties, and proven indigenous knowledge. Farmers often have limited use of agrochemicals.

The UN goes further by arguing that African nations have a certain comparative advantage in organic agriculture, as they possess relatively abundant labour and would save on cost using relatively fewer agrochemicals in production.

Marketing as the main obstacle

One of the conference's main conclusions was that while major markets for organic products are growing at rates of between ten and twenty percent organic agriculture is not given enough credit and the organic market is mostly restricted to North America and Europe, which constitutes an enormously untapped potential.

Roughly eighty percent of organic producers (a significant proportion of them women) are in developing countries, while ninety-seven percent of sales revenue for organic products are generated in industrialized countries, according to UNEP.

To address this, participants at the Lusaka conference ''requested [that] the European Union and other actors of the global trade partners to take all possible steps to facilitate the participation of Africa in global organic markets."

Another conclusion of the conference was that there is an urgent need for African governments to advocate for the benefits of producing organic as an opportunity for value added production to increase income from sales, locally and abroad. Organic agriculture methods such as crop diversification, increased crops, and soil fertility management would be especially well suited for areas where there is low soil fertility and erosion. In western Kenya, for example, bean output has increased by 158 percent using organic agriculture.

This is also valuable in the rest of the world, including North America and Europe. In the United States alone, for example, the damage to farmland, waterways, infrastructure and health because of soil erosion was estimated to cost over fifty billion dollars a year.

Increasing research and access to markets

Rather than promoting organic agriculture solely as a developmental path in Africa, a vast effort should be made to promote better agricultural practices, including organic agriculture worldwide, especially in times of climate change, a global economic crisis, water scarcity and increased soil erosion. Organic agriculture represents rural jobs, and offers a vast array of environmental and health benefits, both for customers and producers. But in order to achieve the "mainstreaming of organic agriculture'' increased access to markets, an increase in research focused on organic agriculture technologies and training for farmers is desperately needed.

CIDA's Lack of Transparency and Democracy

Geneviève Lavoie-Mathieu — 2012-04-30T17:13:24Z

Canadian International Assistance Envelope (IAE) funds will decrease by 7.4% over the next three years despite promises, just two years ago, of freezing the aid budget at $5 billion for five years. More important, and at the heart of the current debate on Canadian politics, is the fundamental change in the way CIDA operates and which international development organisations get funding. According to the Association québecoise des organisations de coopération internationale (AQOCI), this change is not democratic and "allows the federal government to formally decline funding to organisations that do not support or [that] criticize Canadian national or international policies."

The CIDA Budget Cuts

By 2015, the deadline and assessment year of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), Canada will have reduced Canadian official development assistance (ODA) by close to $1.2 billion. The government has insisted that this move was done in an effort to “improve the effectiveness of Canada's aid by strengthening its focus, improving efficiency and increasing accountability." This move by the government has been denounced by the vast majority of NGOs, that work overseas as well as their respective associations.

According to the Canadian Council for International Cooperation (CCIC), "Canadian aid performance will decline between 2012 and 2014, if the government maintains the freeze on the IAE." The CCIC affirms, "these cuts will also undermine the minimal institutional capacity that the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) requires to ensure that Canada continues to deliver quality programs overseas."

Jean Louis Roy, historian and author of 'Ma rencontre avec un continent: Écrits sur l'Afrique', states that this diminution in the budget risks damaging relationships built over the last 60 years between Canadian organisations, the federal government, and partners in the Global South.

Through the new CIDA funding system adopted in July 2010, projects are selected on the basis of their needs, capacity to benefit from aid, and their conformity to Canadian politics priorities abroad.

Previously, aid groups requested funding for their own projects; With the new funding mechanism introduced, they must bid on projects that correspond to the government's priorities in 20 countries, "ramping up competition between the groups" according to ACDI. This process is more similar to private companies bidding for a contract, than international cooperation working in partnership with the government and populations in the Global South.

A report] produced by the CCCI and Inter-Council Network of Provincial and Regional Councils for International Cooperationassesses the impact of the change in the new system, and shows that it removes the possibility for international development organisations to work independently. It forbids them from taking initiatives, decreasing or ending in some cases long-term partnerships based on confidence and built on years of grassroots level activities.

The new system has resulted in the government's direct control of the operations of organizations, which previously worked independently of political ideologies and religious beliefs. Through funding pressures, the federal agency now has the power to shape and constrain the activities of these organisations.

The AQOCI claims that as a result of the new funding process, funding for religious organisations and mining companies is being promoted. $4.5 million was awarded to Lundin for Africa, a foundation managed by a group of mining and oil companies in Alberta, who make millions of profit. Also, by imposing a minimum funding limit of CAN$100 000, bigger organisations are favoured in the competitive process.

Mining development: A win-win situation for Canada and its trading partners?
The recent changes in CIDA's operations hhave been coupled with a focus on building Canada's leadership in the mining sector, "to support and build natural resource management capacity in developing countries." The government will now focus 80% of its bilateral resources on 20 targeted countries of which several, including Bolivia, Mozambique and Tanzania, are home to significant Canadian mining and energy interests.

While funds for organisations like Development and Peace were decreased by 65%, CIDA awarded $6.7 million to three groups that have partnered with mining firms IAMGOLD, Barrick and Rio Tinto Alcan, to provide job training to youths in South America and Africa, where they have mines.

International Cooperation Minister Beverly Oda claims that stimulations the economy represents the best way to help a country.

Minister Fast added “Our trading partners, in particular developing countries, also benefit, from increased economic opportunities and from our knowledge, skills and experience, which can help them better manage their resources, leading to sustainable economic growth and poverty reduction.”

This is despite documented cases by organizations such as Amnesty International and Mining Watch of the human rights abuses that Canadian mining companies have been found guilty of, such as community conflict, environmental damages and unethical behavior.

The budget cuts along with the more fundamental, deeper change in the funding structure demonstrates that the Canadian foreign aid system is increasingly shifting towards a way to mobilise natural resources and profits, failing to fulfill its primary duty: To promote and assist in meaningful and sustainable development.

Economic Crisis in Spain: A History of Mismanagement and Inequalities

Geneviève Lavoie-Mathieu — 2012-03-01T01:49:58Z

Despite having one of the largest economies in Europe Spain's economy has stalled and national unemployment is on the rise. Over 5 million people in the country are currently out of work, a level of unemployment higher than any other European nation.

The situation is a result of a long history of political and economic mismanagement. According to Federación de Asociaciones de Centros para la Integracion y Ayuda de Margin (FACIAM), an organization aimed at curbing homelessness within Spain, the current situation is a culmination of years of public funding cuts which were carried out at higher rates than other European countries that have comparable revenues.

In the mid 1980s and early 1990s, after two decades of working toward reducing national inequities, the Spanish Socialist Workers Party (PSOE) began to move the country in the opposite direction.

Although it claimed to be committed to socialist policies, the PSOE attempted to liberalise the capitalist market economy while distancing itself from trade unions.

After Spain joined the euro zone in 2000, the PSOE cut public spending, weakening Spanish citizens' social security. Today, Spain remains one of the lowest ranked countries in terms of state expenditure on unemployment benefits, public services, and tax relief.

At the peak of the financial crisis in 2008, Spain's GDP per capita was comparable to the average EU-16 country, but its public spending on social services represented 59% of the average EU-16 country; a decrease from 2004. This worsened the situation of those citizens living in or on the edge of poverty, further deepening national inequalities.

In this context, immigration became a popular scapegoat. The economic growth preceding the economic crash had created a demand for labour which could not be met by Spain's ageing population and low birth rate. Then, the country's construction sector underwent a boom, creating employment opportunities that specifically attracted Latin Americans, Maghrebis and West Africans; immigrants became integral to the Spanish society and economy, and after 10 years, came to account for 10 percent of the national population.

During the economic crisis following this boom an anti-immigrant attitude developed and rose throughout Europe. Opposition parties began to emphasize the need for “blue cards” along with measures reinforcing the country's borders.

Further, the national budget devoted to integrating immigrants was reduced by 29.5 percent, and EUR 5.2 million of Spain's budget was dedicated to assisting the return of immigrants to their countries of origin. As well, reforms outlined in the 'Ley de Extranjería de España' (Law on Immigration) made it harder for immigrants to reunite with their families with fines for assisting undocumented immigrants and increased maximum detention time from 40 to 60 days.

The reforms send a message which the Asociación Pro-Derechos Humanos de Andalucía (APDHA) has described as being dangerous, discriminatory, and false: portraying immigrants as a principal cause of the country's economic crisis.

Yet it is immigrants, especially non-European immigrants, who have born disproportionate hardship throughout Spain's economic crisis, facing high rates of unemployment, social vulnerability and being increasingly pushed into lower socio-economic groups; the country's unemployment rate for Spanish-born workers is 17.38% and 30.67% for foreign-born workers.

The crisis made immigrants more vulnerable. Over 17 million people nationwide visited FACIAM help centres and shelters. Of these, many were immigrants (52.8%), women who suffer from domestic violence (16.4%), and people with drug and/or alcohol dependencies (24%).

The Female Perspective

In this economic context, the gender divide has risen to the fore.

As a result of increasing numbers of men losing their jobs, more families have come to depend on solely women's salaries, which is on average 22% lower than that of male workers. This is in part due to the fact that women constitute the majority of part-time and temporary workers because of their familial obligations.

However, the economic crisis has altered the traditional Spanish socio-economic model in which men are viewed as the primary breadwinners and women are seen as peripheral. As men face lay-offs, there has been an increase in the rate of women's participation in the labour market.

Yet government cuts within the public sector and social services will disproportionately affect women; within the education, health and social services sectors women constitute the majority of workers.

The Spanish government's continued ignorance of vulnerable populations when dealing with unemployment is partly responsible for the reproduction and reinforcement of social inequalities in Spain. The recent mass protests nationwide also demonstrate Spanish people's frustration and discontent with their exclusionary society that denies equal opportunities and refuses to ensure equal access to public services and social resources. To emerge from this crisis Spain must focus on redistributing wealth, reducing social inequities, and implementing policies that fight poverty and social exclusion.

Oil exploitation in Nigeria: Five Decades of Environmental and Social Injustice Remain Unaddressed.

Geneviève Lavoie-Mathieu — 2012-01-30T18:48:53Z

Following President Goodluck Jonathan's abrupt decision to abolish a consumer fuel subsidy, Nigeria entered a new period of civil unrest. The unrest began as a citizens' protest but quickly transformed into a national strike in opposition to widespread corruption in general and increased oil prices in particular.

The strike has ended and the fuel subsidy has been partially reinstated, but the situation is not much better. In Nigeria, sub-Saharan Africa's biggest oil producer of crude oil, the oil industry has consistently been more of a curse than a blessing.

Paradoxically, Nigeria remains a net importer of refined petroleum products because itlacks modern refineries. The country has a wealth of natural resources and fertile land, but poverty, unemployment, and crime remain serious problems in Africa's most populous nation.

These problems can largely be attributed to two root causes. First, ethnic and religious tensions which have led to discrimination and violence; Nigeria has over 250 ethno-religious groups. This has led President Jonathan to declare that the situation is 'even worse than [during] the civil war'.

Second, the oil industry fuels systemic corruption. The oil boom of the 1970s, which transformed Nigeria into the sub-Sahara's fastest growing economy, was also an opportunity for rent-seeking activities and corruption in both private and public sectors to grow as speculators sough preferential contracts.

The attempt by president Jonathan to tackle corruption by eliminating the fuel subsidy is seen by some as the only way forward because the biggest beneficiaries of the subsidy were the owners of fuel-importing companies - among the richest people in the country. The government estimates it will save 1 trillion naira ($6.2 billion) in 2012 by eliminating the subsidy.

Critics of the subsidy argue that fuel importers overcharge for fuel in corrupt accounting procedures. Critics note that fuel bought for local consumption is sold at a high profit by smugglers over the border in Cameroon and Benin.
Consequently, critics argue, it is illusionary to believe that getting rid of the fuel subsidy will solve the problem of corruption. Several NGOs and Human Rights defense groups have argued that the policy is a smokescreen to 'usher in a new era of impoverishment for Nigerians' in a country where ‘pay and perks' are among the world's highest in a country, yet the vast majority of the population live on or less than 2$/day.

Analysts have criticized the timing and context of President Jonathan's decision to remove the fuel subsidy, suggesting it was a political move to counteract low public opinion.

Further, continuing attacks by the Boko Haram, an Islamic sect that is fighting against Western style education, have not let up. The group is based on an "extreme interpretation of the Qu'ran, in which violence is an accepted means to deal with 'non believers' or 'infidels.” Thus, a climate of uncertainty, violence and fear has been installed.

Boko Haram has been trying to create an insurgency styled on those in Afghanistan and Somalia, but it lacks the formal organisational structure and leadership of terrorist groups such as al Qaeda and al Shabaab.

The divide between Christians and Muslims has been amplified within Nigeria. The country's Christian population is roughly located in the south for the most part, with Muslims in the North.

In a country where long-standing civilian divides have hampered development and remain a sensitive subject, groups such as Boko Haram have the potential to recruit marginalised youth in efforts to radicalise them.

The oil industry is also disastrous for the environment. Over 5 decades of repeated oil spills have dissolved biodiversity in some places, and have left many people without a means of basic income in others. Oil spills in the Niger Delta are literally a 'daily occurrence'. Experts estimate that in total some 13 million barrels of oil have been spilt in the Niger Delta since oil exploration began in 1958. This is the equivalent of one Exxon Valdez every year for 50 years. The set of pipes that have been constructed date back to the 70s and the vast majority of them have been poorly maintained.

To improve the situation stringent regulation is urgently required, and there is widespread support for a proposal by the EU commission to extend binding EU environmental and safety regulations to cover European oil companies operating overseas.

While the recent mass protest revealed Nigerian people's anger, it also brought together Muslims and Christians political capital, something that would have been unthinkable a month ago.

Food Crisis in the Sahel: A Livelihood Crisis?

Geneviève Lavoie-Mathieu — 2011-11-30T20:40:37Z

The Sahel, a region that has been described as being 'in a state of permanent crisis', has been brought into the spotlight by the Sahel Working Group, composed of ten international development NGOs working in Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger.

In September, the group published a report 'Escaping the Hunger Cycle Pathways to Resilience in the Sahel,' that examines possible solutions to tackle the root causes of food insecurity in the region.

The Sahel region is the arid savannah that stretches across Northern Africa, South of the Sahara Desert and encompasses southern Mauritania, Mali, Burkina Faso, southern Niger, northern Nigeria, Chad, Sudan, Northern Ethiopia and Eritrea.

The report has been issued following a warning by the United Nations this September of the possibility of another 'full scale food crisis', which could put over 1 million people at risk due to recent episodes of drought and insect infestation.

The 2011 Global Hunger Index showed worldwide hunger levels on the rise, with 26 countries at 'alarming' or 'extremely alarming' hunger levels. The question remains how can we put an end to the cycle of hunger?

Responses are often limited to costly, unsustainable interventions, mainly emergency relief and food aid. According to the former UN humanitarian coordinator Jan Egeland, if actions had followed early warnings, $1 a day per child would have been enough to prevent acute malnutrition among children in 2004.

By 2005, the cost of saving a malnourished child's life in an emergency response operation was $80.10 per child per day. The high food prices, drought and locusts are only triggers to a deeper rooted problem of chronic vulnerability in the Sahel.

Following the 2005 food crisis, researchers and aid agencies have realised that the chronic dimension of hunger cannot be solved solely by making more food available; instead, the structural causes of chronic vulnerability must be taken into consideration.

The Sahel is prone to droughts and erratic rainfall, conditions which explain why its inhabitants have had to adapt and find coping strategies to survive in an unpredictable environment. Previous droughts have occurred in the mid 1970s, 1980s, 2005 and 2010. This makes the Sahel a vulnerable geographical zone with limited natural resources and irregular rainfalls.

Structural causes to vulnerability also increase the number of vulnerable groups, which are often marginalized, and trapped in a vicious cycle of endangered livelihoods. Such pastoralists, small scale farmers, matrifocal households with limited access to land or livestock, children and pregnant women are unable to migrate to find income generating activities elsewhere.

For a majority of people who rely on markets to buy cereal and other essentials, spending more than 60% of their revenues, the rising food prices represent an increased state of vulnerability, as they will often need to rely on credit or sell thier limited assets.

During the 2010 crisis, many people in Niger and Chad were forced to sell their livestock and other possessions at derisory prices to afford grain at inflated prices. While pastoralists were affected by the lowered price of livestock on a saturated market, the cost of labour went down as a consquence of the early migration of women and children to urban areas in search for work. A downward spiral of debts resulted, with many households increasingly vulnerable.

The report by the Sahel Working Group demonstrates that there 'is a growing inequality in the distribution of productive assets' such as land and animals. Wealthier households which represent around 25% of the population, control 50% of the cultivated land, and more than 75% of the cattle. This enables them to generate 9 to 15 times the amount of revenue earned by poorer households.

The focus must shift, from ‘food availability' to 'purchasing power'. There is a need for targeted social protection programs that would establish a regulatory framework to control market prices, which has proven to be successful elsewhere in Africa.

But engaging the World Bank and the World Trade Organisation, which are intrinsically opposed to any market distortions, remains problematic. Poverty reduction strategies in the Sahel have been relying largely on market liberalisation to stimulate economic growth, but this has not resulted in an equally distributed increase of wealth.

This year, the situation in Libya has also put additional pressure on many households of neighbouring Niger, as many have been forced to leave their jobs, migrating back following Qaddafi's downfall.

Over 150,000 Nigerians are said to have fled the fighting resulting in an economic catastrophe. They have been banned from returning to their otherwise well paid jobs on the other side of the border. While a majority of Nigerians who fled were earning decent salaries in Libya, the majority in the construction or agricultural sector, or informal economy, now face bleak job prospects back home, in a country where 60 per cent live in extreme poverty and are faced with a lack of assistance from the government.

To ensure that the root causes of chronic food crisis are tackled, strengthened institutional capacity of governments and their partners, such as the UN, are required to contain extraordinary situations like these and in countries like Niger, where foreign aid makes up nearly half the budget. Good governance and the ability to efficiently use funds is even more important. Cash transfers, which remain under-utilized according to the latest report, represent a sensible response as it not only gives people access to food and other essential goods and services, but also supports local producers.

The population in the Sahel is mostly rural, in Burkina Faso and Niger. For example, 80-90 per cent live in the rural areas. The main source of livelihood in the North is pastoralism, while the South is dominated by small scale farming.

Investment in agriculture is key, as it plays a vital role in the Sahel's economies. It would be advantageous to boost rural livelihoods in marginal or degraded agricultural areas through sustainable intensification of food production, using Agro-ecological techniques, and in pastoral areas through support for animal health, production and marketing.

Agro-ecological techniques include integration of livestock, soil and water conservation. These have the potential to strengthen resilience, increase income, and improve food security but only in a limited way, for the poorest households.

Basic principles include 'integration of recycled nutrients and energy on the farm, rather than introducing external inputs, integrating crops and livestock, diversifying species and genetic resources in Agro-ecosystems over time and space, and focusing on interactions and productivity across the agricultural system, rather than focusing on individual species.'

Knowledge is developed through individual cases, through experimentation and learning and is not based on techniques that are learned in a top-down way.

The authors of the report argue that Agro-ecology techniques should be coupled with complementary strategies that aim at improving incomes, reducing risk, and protecting livelihoods. But not all effort should be focused on increasing food production, because even if Agro-ecology helps households increase their food production, they would still need to purchase around 40 per cent of their food from the market in most cases .

The report recommends making child malnutrition and child mortality a central focus, and to use the values as a benchmark to better measure the intensity of the crisis. In Chad, 1/3 of the population faces chronic hunger, and more than half the population in Niger suffer from chronic food insecurity, with almost a quarter extremely food insecure.

The intervention in 2005 and 2010 saved lives, but did not address the underlying causes of child malnutrition. The levels of acute malnutrition have remained above the emergency threshold level even in good years, with half the children under 5 affected by chronic malnutrition.

The annual deaths of thousands of children has been normalised. While politics and the economy influence our everyday lives, climate change, food insecurity and other catastrophic events remind us that we, as a population, are strongly dependent on our environment.

In the West Africa dry lands, the population—mostly rural—is highly dependant on their local environment and is therefore highly vulnerable. Building upon a vast range of skills, indigenous knowledge and resources have adapted well over time. Economic and political measures should be taken to ensure that people can maintain their livelihoods, while supporting them to cope better with risk, vulnerability and disasters.

Photo courtesy of CIFOR, flickr.com