Alternatives International

Julian Assange Receives Help From Ecuador

Jacob Dobias — 2012-09-03T15:35:47Z

Julian Assange is one of the most unique political activists, journalists, publishers, editors or terrorists, depending on whom you ask. He is most widely known as the editor-in-chief of the infamous WikiLeaks organization that published hundreds of thousands of diplomatic cables two years ago. The cables came from a long list of countries, but the most devastating documents stemmed from secret US military reports. These reports released an immense amount of information about US intelligence, including war crimes and complicity regarding terrible actions in Iraq, as well as evidence of corruption in various places around the world. The reports' information also put many Americans at risk while operating overseas, requiring their immediate return to the US. Due to these documents, many have labeled Assange as one of two things; a symbolic voice against corruption for common people; or a high-tech terrorist.

Following the release of these documents, a case was filed against Mr. Assange in a Swedish court. He was accused of committing assault and rape against two former WikiLeaks volunteers in Stockholm, which he denied, stating the acts were consensual. Since the case against Assange began, he has spent 640 days under house arrest and ten days in prison. Most recently, he has resided in the Ecuadorean embassy in London for the past ten weeks. Mr. Assange was granted asylum in the embassy on Thursday, August 16, 2012. Since then, there has been a political standoff between Ecuador and the UK. This is just one of many large politically motivated decisions that have been taken in connection with Assange. As this situation has evolved, it has become clear that there are many different parties involved in this issue, and they all have their own motivations and intentions, whether benevolent or otherwise.

Assange first sought asylum in May after he lost his appeal against extradition to Sweden while on bail. He believes the sexual assault allegations are politically motivated, and fears that upon arriving in Sweden for questioning he would be extradited to the US to face punishment for his role in the unauthorized online publication of the US diplomatic cables. Needless to say, the release of these documents was an immense embarrassment for many countries, and none felt that sting as strongly as the US did. Regardless of being granted asylum, Assange has very little chance of leaving the embassy without being arrested in London.

The British government, since Assange is untouchable within the embasy, has asserted its right to enter the embassy to arrest Assange as allowed by the Diplomatic and Consular Premises Act of 1987. This provoked harsh rebuke from Ecuadorian diplomats. In Quito, the capital city of Ecuador, the government stated that any such invasion of the embassy would be considered a violation of its sovereignty and a hostile and intolerable act. Ecuador proposed that the British and Swedish governments must agree to blocking all attempts at extraditing Assange to the US. Both London and Stockholm are resisting this suggestion, but perhaps such an agreement is not needed. As journalist David Allen Green has pointed out, although Assange's extradition is possible, it would be very unlikely for Sweden or Britain to agree to extradite Assange if it could lead to torture or the death penalty.

Ecuador has received both scrutiny and praise for its actions. The Ecuadorean Foreign Minister Ricardo Patino praised Assange as an enemy of the corrupt media and US imperialism., but the current Ecuadorean government has never been particularly respectful of journalistic integrity and freedom of speech. Carlos Lauria, senior Americas Program coordinator at the New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists, has pointed out that while President Rafael Correa has been on a pedestal denouncing the misdeeds of the US, UK, and other countries, his government has shut down eleven radio broadcasters since May alone, most of which were critical of the government. Although President Correa has made a bold stand for the right to freedom of the press in solidarity with WikiLeaks and Assange, his motivations are questionable.

The US, however, has maintained that they have absolutely no interest in Assange and this case. The US Ambassador to Australia, Jeff Bleich, refutes the allegations that the US would attempt to extradite the WikiLeaks founder from Sweden. Bleich declined to comment on investigations regarding Assange, but stated that the current situation is not the fault of the US. Bleich views WikiLeaks as a threat to diplomacy because of information degradation, the concept that obtaining correct information, from informants in any manner, in the future may become more difficult due to the possibility of that information being traced back to its source. Bleich is most concerned that the authenticity of information being gathered by intelligence agencies has been affected by WikiLeaks.

Regardless of diplomacy, Assange's situation could be remedied if he were permitted to set the date, time, location, duration, manner and nature of questioning concerning his Swedish court case. This was made possible due to a precedent set by Smith v DPP and the Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police UKSC 666, a crucial case that passed through the Supreme Court in 2011. The case involved a man named Smith who dictated the logistics of his questioning by police, as he feared being arrested if he came in to a police station for questioning. As a result of this case any accused person who has breached bail conditions, much like Assange, and who is within England has the right to determine the logistical aspects of their questioning. Whether this case will be used by Assange to determine how, and more importantly where, he will be questioned awaits to be seen.

By the end of the Assange case, many laws and rights will surely be used and abused. For now, Assange remains safe within the Ecuadorean embassy, whilst London police cover every inch of its parameters.

An Overview of Syria's Current Human Rights Violations

Jacob Dobias — 2012-07-01T22:03:00Z

The conflict, and anti-regime attitude in Syria has been ongoing since the beginning of the current President's term. President Bashar al-Assad has been in power since the political demise of his father, Hafez, who gained power through a military coup in 1970. When Bashar came to power in 2000, there was a brief period of liberalization. However, any progress quickly declined. Free speech was severely controlled and limited and economic policies shifted to benefit the upper classes and elites.

Syria's religious groups are largely composed of a Sunni majority, with smaller groups of Christian, Druze, and Yezidi religious communities. President al-Assad belongs to another religious group, that of the Shia heterodox sect known as the Alawites, who are the focus of many of Mr. Assad's most beneficial economic policies. Though religion has not been the driving force behind this conflict, its role and connection to Assad cannot be denied.

Since March 2011 the Syrian government has been violently suppressing a popular pro-democratic uprising initiated by its own people. The beginning of pro-democracy protests and marches saw the arrest and torture of a group of teenagers who painted anti-regime slogans on their school's walls in the southern Syrian city of Deraa. At a march showing their disapproval of the mishandling of the group of teenagers, security forces opened fire on the crowd, resulting in the death of four innocent civilians. Following this event, a funeral was held for those who were killed at the march, where authorities again opened fire at civilians, killing another person. As the conflict between anti-regime peoples and current government has dragged on, violence has increased drastically. As of March 2011 there have been approximately 10,000 to 13,000 casualties, the exact number being difficult to verify independently.

Since the beginning of the conflict, massive human rights abuses have been occurring across Syria, sparing no one. For example, Syrian governmental soldiers have been indiscriminately shooting at men, women and children fleeing from Syria. In mid-June, Syrian refugees crossing the border in the company of the Free Syrian Army (FSA) were subjected to machine gun and sniper fire, wounding eleven and killing three civilians. Although this is an isolated example, it appears to be a reoccurrence on most borders. There have also been cases of people being subjected to violence perpetuated by the Syrian army while fleeing to Iraq, Jordan and Lebanon. A Syrian army defector told Human Rights Watch that soldiers were ordered to shoot at anybody attempting to leave or enter Syria, without passing through an official border post.

However, crossing unofficial borders has become a necessity, as many refugees are being turned away at the Syrian borders for no official reason. The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which Syria has promised to uphold as a signatory, states that any person is entitled to exit their country if need be.

Another severe human rights violation perpetrated by Assad's regime is the targeting of children. A recently released UN report lists fifty-two countries whose government forces and armed groups recruit, kill or sexually abuse children in armed conflicts. Syria is now included on this list, with the report stating that children as young as nine years old have been the victims of numerous malicious acts, such as killing and maiming.

The report quotes multiple members of the Syrian armed forces who say they have either been witness to, or participated in, events that have resulted in several children getting killed or severely wounded. For example, in the province of Idlib, which has been very heavily affected by the conflict, there were reportedly several dozen boys and girls between the ages of eight and thirteen who were taken from their homes and used as human shields. This has warranted severe criticisms from the international community and has bolstered national support for rebels such as the FSA.

United Nations monitors have also observed Syrian helicopters firing on rebels north of Homs, where many ordinary civilians still live. The regime has turned to using helicopters with artillery and mortar shells after its ground troops suffered major losses in previous conflicts. The Syrian regime has taken few, if any, procedures to prevent needless casualties.

These actions by the Syrian government have resulted in international condemnation. Since the conflict, Syria has been heavily sanctioned by the Arab League, the US and the EU, affecting Syria's two major sources of revenue : tourism and oil exportation. Syria's economy has decreased by two percent since 2011, and unemployment is high. Additionally, basic services have been interrupted in conflict-affected areas. Russia and China have vetoed the Security Council's resolutions that threatened sanctions against Syria, and Russia refused to support moves that would allow for foreign intervention.

Syria's most recent condemnation has come from one of its neighbours and strongest allies. On June 26th, Turkey warned Syria to distance itself from its shared border or risk an armed response. This is a strong reaction to the Turkish military plane that was attacked and taken down a week ago by the Damascus regime.

Although NATO supports Turkey's condemnation of the Syrian regime, the organization has stopped short of offering military support. Turkey has repeatedly called for Assad to step down, and their once strong political relationship has been dissolving steadily since the beginning of the uprising.
A declaration of civil war appears to be on the horizon, with neither the rebels nor the government conceding to demands of the international community or each other. With the increasing violent nature of the conflict, many more casualties and human rights violations are sure to occur. Attempts by many notable mediators, such as Kofi Annan, have resulted only in slowing down the conflict, but not fully halting it. The international community has been trying their best to prevent Syria from plunging into civil war, but their efforts might be for nothing, as neither side has complied with the peace plan negotiated by the UN and the Arab League envoy. The future of Syria appears to be in decline, and the end of serious human rights violations, at the moment, appears to be nowhere in sight.

Bill 78 and a Brief Sketch of the Quebec Student Movement

Jacob Dobias — 2012-06-02T03:12:03Z

On June 9, Alternatives will be hosting the Festival of Solidarity, which will explore the process of mobilization in response to austerity and regression. Notable speakers will include Hervé Kempf as well as Coalition large de L'association pour une solidarité syndicale étudiante (CLASSE) representative Gabriel Nadeau-Dubois. Social movements are thriving around the world and many activists, such as Kempf and Nadeau-Dubois, are taking note of the influence activism can have. However, under a new Quebec law, power that comes from social statements like marches is threatened. Bill 78 is a piece of emergency legislation that has recently been pushed through by the Charest government on May 18, 2012, and is severely violating Quebec civilians' right to protest, a liberty protected under the Quebec Charter of Human Rights and Freedoms. This new law will be addressed during the festival, with particular attention given to its effects on recent demonstrations.

Hervé Kempf is the founder of the ecology magazine Reporterre as well as the acting environmental editor at Le Monde. At the Festival of Solidarity, Kempf will be discussing social movements and how they have the ability to save the planet. Kempf's research can be found in his two novels How the Rich are Destroying the Planet and Enough with Oligarchy, Long Live Democracy.

Gabriel Nadeau-Dubois is a history major at the University of Quebec in Montreal. As one of the representatives for the student union coalition CLASSE, Dubois has become a major player in the student movement in Quebec. CLASSE, along with two other student organizations, Fédération étudiante universitaire du Québec (FEUQ) and Fédération étudiante collégiale du Québec (FECQ), has been actively protesting the rising tuition rates in Quebec for the last several months, though the fight has been ongoing since 2003. The movement, however, has since evolved. It has become much more about the role of government, the power of the people and other social justice issues. The student strike in Montreal is nearing its fourth month and as support grows, ignoring the unrest is no longer an option for either the public or the government.

Upon the introduction of Bill 78, the student movement has grown in both numbers and diversity. Simultaneously, it has increased tension amongst civilians, police and government officials through increased violence and arrests.

It is first important to understand the impact Bill 78 has had on the student protests here in Montreal. The legislation has set out very severe regulations upon student demonstrations, such as Section 16, which states that it is necessary to provide eight hours notice and detailed information concerning the route and duration. Several sections that have given rise to both national and international criticism.

For example, Sections 13 and 14 state that it is forbidden for any person or persons to directly or indirectly delay classes or deny access to them. The loose terminology in these sections does not specify what actions might fall under this rubric, leaving much up to the individual to interpret, something which is troubling for students and the public alike as it can be manipulated in favour of the government and police. Section 15 says that student organizers must undertake appropriate measures in order to convince students to neither directly nor indirectly disrupt classes. Section 17 puts the onus upon the student organizers once again, and states that they must ensure that they remain within the parameters that they had submitted previously. Finally, Section 25 threatens fines of up to $5,000 for individuals and $125,000 for groups that violate the bill. These are some of the more pressing sections that have garnered attention from both media and legal experts.

Throughout all of this, the student movement in Quebec has persevered, but Bill 78 has also affected how the international community perceives Quebec and its students. An article published in The New York Times, titled “Our Not-So-Friendly Northern Neighbor”, argues that Charest's objective is to weaken student and union organizations, rather than try to restore security.

Quebec students' ability to maintain a strong presence despite this bill can be attributed to a variety of factors. To understand why Quebec is so active when it comes to social justice issues, one would have to return all the way back to the Quiet Revolution, which first instilled the ideals of accessible post-secondary education. Student groups in Quebec are often composed of smaller numbers and are seen to be more politically active compared to student organizations in other provinces.

Bill 78 has lit a fire under an already large movement; once it was passed, there was a clear increase in participation and mobilization in the marches, as demonstrated in the nightly marches since Bill 78's introduction. In light of this new law, students have gained more support from the media and the public.

Bill 78 has created a more diverse movement, encompassing a variety of age groups, cultures and political affiliations, and it has given rise to discussions concerning civil rights in Quebec, and their role and direction in society. There has been a clear lack of support from many of the Anglophone schools in Quebec. The French schools, when deciding whether to participate in the protest, typically discussed the principles of society being addressed, while discussions in English universities typically revolved around the economic aspects of the student protest. However, with the introduction of Bill 78 Anglophone support has increased along with Francophone support.

These are just a few of the developments of the student movement in Quebec. Social movements are constantly evolving and changing to better suit the topic they are mobilizing for or against. To find out more about the issues facing the student movement, and social movements in general, please refer to the June Alternatives podcast, and listen to an interview with the Concordia Student Union outgoing VP External, Chad Walcott. A key figure in increasing student participation at Concordia, Walcott has been involved with the student movement since its onset. The interview also addresses Bill 78 and the issues it presents both symbolically and practically.