How do you analyse the present political situation of the country?
The situation of the country is still in the condition of semi-feudal and semi-colonial. There is still the existence of feudal bureaucrat and comprador bourgeoisie in the country, and there still is the necessity of political, economic, social, and cultural change. In this transitional period, the new government has been formed under the leadership of our party. People are expecting many things from our party. On the other hand, how does the government work when it is not fully formed? It is good news that our party became the largest party in the Constituent Assembly (CA); however the formation of a coalition government has been necessary according to the mandate of the people. How the political development will move ahead is still uncertain. In this critical situation, it is necessary to analyse how to fulfil the strategies of the Peoples Republic and what the tactics will be to reach the destination. We are advancing through these types of situations. From the point of view of revolution and entire transformation, there are many more contradictions. The objective situation for revolutionary transformation is very suitable. However, there are not subjective forces suitable to identify and handle the contradictions correctly. We can advance ahead only after we are able to unite the people and lead them ahead correctly. There is still a struggle between the progressives and the status quo.
Is the obstacle to forming the government only in power sharing or are there other reasons behind it?
The ideological differences are clear in themselves. Along with this, technical problems exist. The technical problems are related to power sharing. These two things are obstacles in the way of forming the government and of progress.
How much possibility is there to run the government with the MJF if the CPN-UML is not involved?
This is a very complex situation. We held many debates and discussions with the CPN-UML. However, their central committee has taken a decision for the second post of Prime Minister. They will not be involved in the government if we do not agree with their decisions. We will discuss this issue in our party meeting. We will think about it because we have to create an environment of consensus. We are always ready to run the government with the CPN-UML. I think it is impossible to run the government only with the MJF, without the participation of the UML.
There are still problems left after giving full shape to the government because every political party has its own ideology and destination. How will the government be able to write a new constitution addressing the mandate of the People?
Analysing the situation to this point, the traditional and status quo forces will be against the constitution written according to the aspirations of the people. The task of forming the government is still incomplete and there is still debate and bargaining. A convincing environment and basics have not yet been created. If a convincing political situation is created, there is the possibility to create a new constitution, otherwise it will be difficult. The political parties have different opinions about writing the constitution. The clear reflection of differences was clearly seen in the struggle over power sharing. New opinions have not yet been fully victorious and the old opinions have not been fully defeated. Compromise is still necessary in this situation. However, the result of the compromise is not so satisfactory. Our effort to create a new constitution will be forever.
There is a dispute over the PM’s visit to China. Is the visit to China breaking with tradition, of the traditional first visit to India?
The diplomatic relations between the two neighbours remains the same as it was before. And also, no difference will take place in the diplomatic relationship with other foreign countries. Foreign diplomatic relationship will be on the basis of co existence, equality, and the five principles. We are behaving responsibly with our neighbours from the perspective of good neighbours. We want to make a relationship of equal-distance. So far, as our party chairman and PM Com Prachanda’s first visit to China is concerned, the reason for his visit is the Olympic Games. The issue of tradition and traditional legacy has been raised. Here, we want to make clear that the decision about the visit of the head of any government will be taken by his own-country or by the government itself. No other country needs to direct or decide. Decision making rights are in the hand of the Nepalese people. The priority of the visit is also the priority of the head of the state. Intervention has been concealed within dependency. This visit is in the interests of the Nepalese people, though the chance has come coincidentally.
What is the real reason behind India’s desire for a special bilateral relationship?
The India ruling class has always seen Nepal and the Nepalese through the eye of big brother arrogance. There are so many reasons hidden behind this opinion. There is a series of unequal treaties since the Sugauli treaty, which we want to review and make new treaties based on equality. It is a false opinion of India to take such ideas to guide: If India adapts the norms and values of democracy, accepts the sovereignty, independence, and regional integrity, India should be serious on this issue. Therese types of expression are even against diplomatic norms. Another thing, Nepalese rulers have always bowed down before Indian rulers to get power in Nepal, and begged their blessings to be in power.
A question raised has been about the handling of party and government in your party. In the party document, “Democracy in the 21st century’ there is a clear view that the party should handle the government. But now, the party leadership is in the government. How will you manage to implement the very decisions of the document?
The views expressed in ‘Democracy in the 21st century’ are the principle views to be implemented after the whole country becomes a People’s Republic. Now, it is not applicable in this political situation. The second thing is that the responsibility to write a new constitution in upon our shoulders. The responsibility of political, social, economic and cultural change is also upon us. In this situation, we went to the government to carry the peace process and the task of writing the constitution ahead towards the logical end. Along with it, we are of the opinion that the spirit of the document about the relations of party and government should be implemented. If we cannot follow it, this will be a principal mistake. The party is party, and government is government, the party directs the government but the government does not direct the party. The government should be under the control of party. We will take a decision about it in our Central Committee meeting.
The people and the cadres of most of the parties complain that even the big parties have no plan to address the issue of nationality. Has the CPN Maoist any policy and plan to address the question of nationality?
Yes, the question of nationality is now critical. We cannot say that what we can do immediately. Some burning issues such as border encroachment, the breaking down of barrages, such as the recent Koshi barrage, and unequal treaties stand before us. The present government is an interim government. The transitional period is being prolonged. Foreign intervention is not only in rather the sectors afore mentioned; it is in the politics, economy, society, culture and others. We are aware of these actions. It will not be acceptable for us if any foreign intervention is applied in our conception of security defence and natural resources, especially water. We have to talk about these all with our partners in the government, and the parties that are revolutionary, progressive, and patriotic. We have publicised a Common Minimum Programme. The question of nationality is top priority.
Mohan Baidya ‘kiran’ is a Senior leader, Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist)