Steadfast and Strong: Chronicles of Palestinian Women’s Resistance

However, the role of Palestinian women in the struggle against Israel has been significantly understudied. A substantial gap exists between the actual participation of women in this struggle and how it is documented in history (Fleischmann 2003). Nikki Keddie, a renowned American scholar of Middle Eastern history, attributes this neglect to methodological issues in historiography. Unlike other social sciences that gather data through interviews and observations, historiography often relies on male-centred written documents (Keddie 2008: 1). In the words of Alison Baker (1982), “Women are recognized neither as important agents of history, nor as reliable reporters and interpreters of history.” Additionally, until the 1987 Intifada, the Western Orientalist perspective portrayed Palestinian women as dependent on men and lacking their own agency, further contributing to their omission from historical accounts. Therefore, the topic of Palestinian women is conspicuously absent in nearly all historical accounts of Palestine (Fleischmann 2003). Despite this, women have played a crucial role in the Palestinian struggle since its inception. This article is going to analyse the role of Palestinian women in the resistance against Israel.

Palestinian Women’s Resistance: Before 1948

Palestinian women have been actively involved in the struggle against the Zionist movement from its inception. In 1893, they protested the founding of the first Jewish settlement in Affula (Aghabekian 2019). Their involvement in political activism was further demonstrated during the agitation against the Balfour Declaration of 1917. Despite threats from the British government, which supported the Zionist movement, women joined men in massive demonstrations in Jerusalem, Haifa, and Jaffa.

In 1921, the Arab Women’s Association of Palestine was established with bases in Jerusalem and Haifa. This organisation organised vigorous protests demanding the withdrawal of the Balfour Declaration, the cessation of Jewish migration, and an end to attacks on Palestinian political prisoners. In 1929, various women’s organisations in the Arab world united to hold the first Palestine Arab Women’s Congress in Jerusalem, appointing a special executive committee to implement the Congress’s decisions. This event was a significant milestone in the Palestinian women’s movement.

During the years 1936–39, women played an active and crucial role in the struggle against the British. They not only fought directly against the British but also supplied weapons and strategic information to combatants. Demonstrating remarkable courage, many women entered war zones with weapons concealed within their clothing, risking their lives to deliver arms and vital information. Their support was not limited to physical contributions; numerous women sold their jewellery, donating the proceeds to Palestinian fighters, thereby providing essential financial support to the resistance. Women also initiated boycotts of British and Zionist products, further undermining the economic stability of their adversaries. With men frequently absent or killed in combat, women took on the additional responsibility of generating income for their households, managing daily expenses, and ensuring the sustenance of their families.

In addition to their involvement in the national struggle, Palestinian women in the 1920s and the 1930s played a crucial role in social service activities. They established numerous charitable societies to support families facing financial hardships and other challenges. These efforts provided a platform for women from diverse economic backgrounds to connect and foster relationships, strengthening the social fabric of the Palestinian community. This collaborative spirit was instrumental in uniting Palestinian women, empowering them to take on more significant roles in both social and political spheres.

Women’s Resistance after the Formation of Israel

According to the United Nations Partition Plan for Palestine of 1947, Israel and Palestine were allocated 56% and 43% of Palestinian territory, respectively. However, after Israel’s establishment in 1948, it expanded to 78% of the land, displacing about 7,50,000 Palestinian refugees (Kassem 2011). This event is commemorated annually on May 15 as Nakba Day, meaning "catastrophe" in Arabic. The Nakba disrupted Palestinian communities, with Egypt and Jordan taking control of the remaining areas. Palestinians were forced from their homes, losing their possessions and social structures, including networks developed by Palestinian women (Aghabekian 2019). The conflict left many women bereaved and their homes destroyed, forcing them into economic hardship and employment to sustain their families. This shift reduced their participation in the national liberation struggle, leading to a decline in women’s resistance against Israeli occupation from 1948 to around 1964–65. Despite these challenges, the Palestinian Arab Women’s Union continued to function on a smaller scale in Jerusalem, the West Bank, and Gaza, supporting their communities amidst loss and displacement.

The formation of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) in 1964 marked a significant turning point for women’s movements in Palestine, centralising their efforts. Key organisations like the Palestinian Women’s Association (PWA) in 1965 and the General Union of Palestinian Women (GUPW) in 1965 were established, representing milestones in the struggle for Palestinian women’s rights and activism. The GUPW united various women’s organisations focused on education and social welfare and extended their collaborative efforts beyond Palestine by aligning with global women’s movements. Following the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza in 1967, the GUPW established emergency service centres and shelters to support those affected by the conflict. Under the PLO’s leadership, the GUPW assisted Palestinian refugees across multiple countries, including providing weapon training to women engaged in the liberation struggle. Additionally, the Union of Palestinian Women’s Committees also emerged as a leading force in the national struggle against Israeli occupation.

By the end of 1967, 68 Palestinian women’s organisations were dedicated to philanthropy and social work (Samaroo 2018). These organisations addressed women’s issues while prioritising the liberation of Palestine, underscoring the intertwined nature of gender equality and national liberation in their activism.

After Israel took control of the remaining Palestinian territories in 1967, the situation for Palestinians worsened, increasing the number of refugees. Restrictions on Palestinians, including limited access to essential resources like water and land, severely impacted their ability to sustain traditional farming practices. Consequently, many sought employment opportunities abroad, notably in the Gulf states and Israel. The occupation profoundly affected Palestinian women, significantly curtailing their opportunities and freedoms to participate in the national struggle. As the Israeli market became the primary source of daily necessities and new factories were established on occupied land, women became increasingly dependent on these economic structures. This dependence hindered their political and social activism and entrenched reliance on an economic system controlled by the occupying power. Additionally, women had to continue fulfilling traditional responsibilities, such as raising children and managing household duties, significantly heightening their mental stress. Consequently, Palestinian women endured three distinct forms of oppression: political and social oppression under Israeli governance, gender-based discrimination within a male-dominated society, and workplace inequities and challenges.

Under the GUPW, women played a vital role in resisting Israeli occupation and engaging in charitable activities. The involvement in charity work allowed women’s organisations to operate with some freedom from the Jordanian and Israeli scrutiny. Notably, the Society of Insha Al- Usra supported women in Israeli-occupied territories post-1967. This organisation focused on empowering women by providing essential resources and skills, offering job training and educational programs to help them generate income and improve economic independence. These initiatives aimed to alleviate hardships faced by women, fostering resilience and self-sufficiency in their communities.

In addition to participating in peaceful activities, many Palestinian women have also been actively involved in armed struggles. Prominent figures include Leila Khaled, Shadia Abu Ghazaleh, Dalal Mughrabi, and Wafa Idris. Khaled, a member of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), gained international attention as the first woman to hijack an airplane, executing her first hijacking in August 1969 and attempting another in 1970 to draw global attention to the Palestinian cause. Shadia Abu Ghazaleh joined the armed struggle after the 1967 war and died while preparing explosives. Mughrabi, a Fatah party member, led a 1978 attack, resulting in her death and significant Israeli casualties. During the second intifada, Idris became the first female suicide bomber in January 2002, detonating herself in front of a busy shop in Israel. Following her example, several other women became suicide bombers, defying traditional gender roles and opposition from groups like Hamas.

In the late 1970s and the early 1980s, new women’s movements emerged, notably with the establishment of the Women’s Work Committee (WWC) on 8 March, 1978, coinciding with International Women’s Day. The WWC was founded by university-educated, politically conscious women influenced by their experiences under Israeli occupation. Following the extension of voting rights to women in the 1976 elections, these women became increasingly active in politics. The WWC was dedicated to supporting villages and refugee camps outside urban centres. They conducted comprehensive surveys to understand the conditions and challenges faced by women in these areas, revealing a starkly different societal context from urban settings. The WWC members found that rural and refugee camp women were overburdened, largely unaware of their rights, predominantly illiterate, and confined to domestic responsibilities. Recognising the plight of rural women propelled the WWC and similar organisations to advocate for policies combating gender discrimination, ensuring a focus on inclusivity and dismantling systemic barriers to gender equality.

A political schism later emerged within the WWC. The division mirrored broader Palestinian political splits, resulting in distinct women’s organisations. While, one faction openly aligned with the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine, another faction opposed this alignment, leading to the formation of a new committee that began collaborating closely with the PLO. Supporters of the Communist Party established the Union of Palestinian Women’s Committees (UPWC), PFLP adherents formed the Union of Palestinian Women’s Committees (UPWC), and Fatah Party supporters created the Association of Women Committees for Social Work (AWCSW). While this fragmentation somewhat divided the Palestinian women’s movement, the competition among these organisations spurred positive outcomes. The late 1970s and the early 1980s saw a shift towards grassroots activism, advancing ordinary women’s roles and significantly contributing to their widespread participation in the First Intifada of the late 1980s. This involvement highlighted the crucial role of women in the broader Palestinian resistance movement.

During the First Intifada, Palestinian women played a crucial role in resisting Israeli occupation. They actively engaged in direct confrontations with Israeli soldiers, such as throwing stones, burning tires, and blocking roads. Additionally, women and women’s organisations provided essential social services, including charity funds to support Palestinian families in need. Women of all ages united in opposition to Israeli policies, participating in boycotts and acts of civil disobedience. Their resistance extended beyond the occupation to challenge entrenched male dominance within Palestinian society. This dual struggle highlighted the intersectional nature of their resistance, as they opposed both external oppression and internal patriarchy. Women began to assume roles traditionally held by men, taking on both military and social responsibilities, marking a significant transformation in gender roles within the Palestinian resistance movement. However, despite being celebrated as fighters while incarcerated, many women faced severe discrimination upon their release. Formerly imprisoned women often encountered obstacles in establishing stable marital relationships and securing employment, reflecting the persistent gender biases within their communities.

The representation of women in peace negotiations involving the Palestinian national movement has evolved significantly over time. Initially, the inclusion of two women in the Palestinian delegation at the Madrid peace talks marked a step forward. However, this progress did not continue into the Oslo peace talks, where women were entirely excluded. This exclusion had profound implications for both the Palestinian national movement and the women’s movement, leading to a division that marginalised women’s issues and voices.

After the Oslo Accords, the landscape of Palestinian activism and organisational structure changed notably. Palestinian non-governmental organisations (NGOs) began receiving substantial financial support from international sources. Consequently, the focus shifted from grassroots social services to activities meticulously budgeted and timed to secure ongoing financial support for specific projects. This professionalisation process sidelined many grassroots movements, including women’s movements.

The agendas of these professionalised NGOs were often influenced by the priorities and stipulations of their international donors. This resulted in a significant shift in the focus of Palestinian women’s movements. Instead of addressing the multifaceted issues affecting Palestinian women, these movements became primarily focused on combating gender discrimination and male supremacy within Palestinian society. This narrowing of focus led to the marginalisation of the broader context of Israeli occupation, which profoundly impacts the lives of Palestinian women.

This redefinition is exemplified by a 2019 campaign led by United Nations agencies, international organisations, and NGOs in Palestine, which focused on domestic violence against women. Notably, none of the campaign’s five major goals addressed liberation from Israeli occupation. As international donors increasingly set the agendas for women’s organisations, resistance against Israel diminished, illustrating the detrimental effects of the Oslo Accords and subsequent “NGOization” on the Palestinian women’s struggle against Israeli occupation.

Historically, the struggle against Israeli occupation was central for Palestinian women and a means of their empowerment, facilitating their involvement in the broader national liberation movement. However, post Oslo, the concept of women’s empowerment transformed significantly. The international donor community increasingly framed women’s empowerment in terms of economic participation. This shift from political and social liberation to economic self-sufficiency risked depoliticising the women’s movement and reducing its capacity to address systemic challenges posed by the ongoing occupation.Consequently, the holistic approach that once characterised the Palestinian women’s struggle for liberation was significantly diluted.

The Western narrative often portrays Muslim women, including Palestinian women, as primarily oppressed by a male-dominated society and restrictive religious practices. However, this perspective overlooks a critical dimension of the challenges faced by Palestinian women: the impact of the ongoing Israeli occupation. It is essential for women’s organisations in the Western world to recognise that the occupation and aggression perpetuated by Israel, bolstered by substantial financial and military support from Western powers, represent the most significant impediments to Palestinian women’s freedom and well-being. The Israeli government, alongside its media, education, and justice systems, plays a central role in perpetuating both physical and structural violence against Palestinian women. These institutions collectively contribute to an environment where Palestinian women experience a range of violations, from direct physical harm to systemic inequalities that undermine their social, economic, and political rights. Understanding the plight of Palestinian women thus requires a comprehensive approach that considers both internal societal dynamics and the external forces of occupation and aggression that shape their daily lives.

Since the Nakba of 1948, sexual assaults against Palestinian women have been systematically utilised by Israeli forces as a tactic of warfare (Khodary Salah and Mohsen 2020: 214). These assaults aim to physically and psychologically intimidate Palestinian women, deterring their participation in political activities and resistance efforts. Consequently, women who are active in politics often face rape or threats of rape as a form of coercion and punishment. Palestinian women frequently endure brutal torture in Israeli prisons, where the majority of prison authorities and guards are male, further exacerbating their vulnerability to physical abuse. This treatment contravenes Article 76 of the Fourth Geneva Convention, which mandates that "women shall be confined in separate quarters and shall be under the direct supervision of women" to ensure their safety and dignity.

In addition to physical abuse, Palestinian female detainees are often deprived of essential sanitary products during their menstrual periods and denied access to adequate bathroom facilities, further compounding their suffering (Ibhais, Itani and al-Salahat 2010). The Israeli authorities also use threats of rape as a means to extract confidential information from Palestinian women, employing sexual violence and intimidation as tools of control and subjugation. These practices highlight a broader pattern of systemic violence against Palestinian women, reflecting a deliberate strategy to undermine their agency and resistance. Addressing these issues requires a comprehensive understanding of the intersectional nature of their oppression, which encompasses both gender- based violence and the broader context of occupation and conflict.

Additionally, Palestinian women face severe restrictions on their freedom of movement, significantly impeding their access to healthcare and medical services. These restrictions are particularly detrimental to pregnant women, who frequently encounter difficulties crossing checkpoints to reach hospitals. Consequently, many women are forced to give birth at Israeli checkpoints without any emergency medical assistance. The situation is further exacerbated by the frequent denial of ambulance access to numerous areas, with ambulances often being stopped and delayed at checkpoints. Moreover, Palestinian women who must pass through these checkpoints are subjected to humiliating and degrading treatment by military personnel. There have been numerous reports of women being stripped naked in front of their families and subjected to sexual violence. This systematic abuse underscores the broader climate of intimidation and control exerted over Palestinian women.

The violence and discrimination extend beyond checkpoints to educational institutions as well. Palestinian women attending universities in Israel are often subjected to physical attacks and threats. A stark example of this pervasive hostility is the case of an Israeli university professor who publicly called for the rape of Palestinian girls, highlighting the severe insecurity and maltreatment faced by Palestinian female students even within academic environments (Kashti 2014). These multifaceted forms of violence and discrimination against Palestinian women reveal a systematic effort to undermine their autonomy and well-being. Addressing these issues necessitates a comprehensive approach that acknowledges the intersectional nature of their oppression, encompassing both the gendered violence they endure and the broader context of occupation and systemic discrimination.

The rate of Palestinian girls enrolling in educational institutions remains alarmingly low, primarily due to the harassment they face at checkpoints and the overall difficulties associated with travel. These challenges extend into the academic environment, where Palestinian girls are subjected to harassment even within universities. While such adverse experiences deter some families from sending their daughters to pursue education, they also serve to galvanise others. For many Palestinian girls, these hardships strengthen their resolve and provide the impetus to engage more vigorously in resistance against Israel, whether through peaceful activism or armed struggle. The nationalist slogan “al-ard qabl al-‘ird” (which translates to “land before honour”) reflects the idea that women should not be intimidated by the pervasive militarised sexual abuse under Israeli occupation, as the pursuit of national liberation takes precedence over concerns about women’s “honour” or the victimisation that results from sexual abuse (Shalhoub-Kevorkian 2009). Rather, these experiences drive their commitment to the national movement and underscore their active participation in the fight for Palestinian rights.

Despite the severe hardships and violence they endure, Palestinian women are not merely passive victims. The Western narratives that portray Palestinian women solely as oppressed and victimised are partial and limited. In reality, Palestinian women have continually demonstrated resilience and agency in the face of oppression. There exists a significant segment of Palestinian women who transform crises into sources of strength and determination, using their suffering as a catalyst for their struggle. This active resistance manifests in various forms, from participating in protests and political activism to taking up roles in armed resistance. Thus, it is crucial to recognise the dynamic and multifaceted roles Palestinian women play in their society. Their contributions to the national movement highlight their agency and resilience, challenging reductive Western portrayals and emphasising the complexity of their experiences and responses to oppression.

Sumud, a peaceful and powerful resistance movement, is actively carried out by Palestinian women in their daily lives. The term “Sumud,” meaning “steadfastness” or “perseverance,” is deeply embedded in the Palestinian cultural construct and represents a crucial component of resilience in the occupied Palestinian territories (Marie, Hannigan and Jones 2018). As articulated by Jan Busse (2022), "Sumud thereby serves as a means to constitute an encompassing Palestinian national identity, which cannot be disrupted by the occupation." This form of resistance embodies an everyday commitment to maintaining Palestinian identity and autonomy despite ongoing Israeli occupation. Palestinian women play a significant role in Sumud, particularly when Israeli soldiers and settlers attempt to evict Palestinians from their homes. While men often leave the house for work, women stand firm, embodying a powerful defence against such evictions. Their steadfast presence in their homes is a critical aspect of resisting the Israeli invasion, demonstrating an unwavering commitment to their land and heritage.

In addition to their physical presence, Palestinian women are instrumental in educating the next generation about the history, politics, and culture of Palestine. They ensure that the memories and traditions of Palestine are passed down through generations, organising various community activities such as get-togethers, family visits, celebrations, and trips. Through these efforts, Palestinian women shape how to live under occupation, preserving their culture and identity even while facing severe travel restrictions imposed by Israel. As Israel attempts to erase Palestinian culture and memory, women engage in various forms of cultural resistance. They sing Palestinian folk songs, wear traditional dresses, and create stories, paintings, and documentaries that reflect their heritage. Notable examples include Alia Arasoughly’s "This is Not Living," Mai Masri’s "3000 Nights," and Taghreed al-Azzeh’s "Women from Palestine," which serve as powerful mediums to pass on Palestinian culture to future generations. These cultural productions are not merely acts of preservation but are active forms of resistance against the appropriation and erasure of Palestinian history by Israeli authorities.

Sumud is not only about cultural preservation but also represents a nonviolent response to political oppression. According to Palestinian lawyer and writer Raja Shehadeh, Sumud provides an alternative to either armed struggle or surrender (Shehadeh 1982). It encompasses everyday resistance, including the refusal to collaborate with Israeli prison authorities and the determination to challenge the limitations imposed by imprisonment. This form of resistance aims to protect Palestinian identity, traditions, and customs, maintaining their homeland and continuing the struggle against the Israeli occupation. Israeli injustices and violations of Palestinian rights have led to the creation of Sumud as a specific form of resistance. It is seen as a protector of Palestinian identity, aiming to maintain their selfhood and land despite ongoing adversities. While the term can be translated literally into English as steadfastness, it more accurately encapsulates the notion of staying strong in all possible ways in the face of Israeli unfairness and injustice. Sumud focuses on preserving the self in the present, opening up new horizons, perspectives, and hopes for self-determination, liberty, and equality in the future. In the words of Rosemary Sayigh (1992), “the unique difficulty of the Palestinian struggle, its imbalance of forces, make Sumud (steadfastness, staying put) an essential form of resistance on a level with political and military struggle.” In summary, Sumud is a testament to the resilience and strength of Palestinian women. Through their steadfastness, they not only resist physical displacement but also ensure the continuity of their cultural and national identity. Their efforts exemplify the profound and multifaceted nature of resistance against the Israeli occupation, highlighting the indispensable role of women in the struggle for Palestinian self-determination and freedom.

Conclusions

The common misperception of Muslim women in the Arab world is that they are a male- dominated group with no identity or agency of their own. However, this view is profoundly flawed and overlooks the rich history of women’s movements in the Arab world, which spans centuries. Women have played active roles in the struggles against imperialism in various Arab countries, participating in both peaceful protests and armed resistance. Specifically, Palestinian women have independently made significant strides in the struggle against Israeli occupation.

Unlike Western women’s organisations, which often focus primarily on combating societal patriarchy, the struggles of women’s organisations in West Asia encompass multiple dimensions. Palestinian women face the compounded hardships of displacement, becoming refugees, dispossession due to wars, and the loss of homes and wealth. These experiences, shaped by the imperial powers’ actions, are vastly different from those faced by women in developed countries.

For Palestinian women, the liberation from Israeli occupation is not only a matter of national sovereignty but also essential for their freedom and well-being. Therefore, the primary agenda of international women’s organisations, if they are genuinely interested in the emancipation of Palestinian women, should be the end of Israeli occupation. It is crucial to recognise that the most significant source of oppression and torture for Palestinian women is the Israeli occupation, characterised as a settler colonial regime in the region. International women’s organisations must also work to prevent Western governments from supporting Israel. The expectation that Palestinian women can be saved through mere societal reforms without addressing the root cause of their oppression is an illusion. The liberation of Palestine is intrinsically linked to the broader struggle for gender equality and women’s rights in the region. Only by addressing these fundamental issues can international efforts truly support the emancipation and well-being of Palestinian women.

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Shameer Modongal (shameermodongal@keralauniversity.ac.in) and Ashly K Ramachandra (ashlyramchand@gmail.com) teach at the Department of Islamic and West Asian Studies, Kerala University.

Source: Economic and Political Weekly (Engage), Vol. 59, Issue No. 48, 30 Nov, 2024