Only the monarchy, the leader of feudalism, has ceased to exist. However, the feudalistic mechanism still exists under a different color. In some places, it exists organizationally, institutionally and in some places through the ownership of land and capital. This is why there is not a change in its essence and in the character of the contradiction. Internationally, the world proletarian revolution is in the defensive position. It is natural. Now there is global hegemony in the world. The hegemony prevails in every sector of society.
Although they have put out the slogan of ‘liberalization’ and ‘privatization’, everything is taking place under the global programme of imperialism. Therefore, we should make an effort to build an anti-imperialist front by bringing all the struggles and the movements against imperialism from every part of the world. . We should expand and strengthen the concept of Coordinating Committee of Maoist Parties and Organizations of South Asia (CCOMPOSA) in the context of South Asia to control the bullying of Indian expansionism.
We must polarize the parties, organizations and the struggle by analyzing the situation existing in South Asia. All the people of the countries bordering India and the exploited people of India can struggle jointly against the expansionist bullying of the Indian rulers. Now, it has been compulsory to build a front in South Asia against Indian intervention and for a comprehensive front against American Imperialism in the world. Only after that can we have freedom, independence and guarantee the fundamental rights of the exploited people.
In the developing countries and even in the ‘developed’ countries, struggles for national liberation are going on. We should respect their spirit, aspiration and the fight for freedom; and should form joint fronts as far as possible. This is the responsibility of the proletariat class today. The Nepalese proletarian class should fulfill this responsibility and develop the concept of struggle for national liberation
The present crisis in the economy of global imperialism should be analyzed in a new way. It shows that the creation of united front should not only be from the point of view of building a united front, but also from the point of view of an ideological and political united front. The crisis in the economy of global imperialism has matured the objective conditions for the world revolution. It is a favorable condition for proletarian revolution. However, this matured and favorable situation should be addressed by the ideology and leadership of the proletarian class. It is not only the continuation of a decade crisis in a global economy of imperialism; this crisis in global economy helps us to solve the contradiction through the solution- Revolution.
In Nepal, a type of reform has been done, but it is not a drastic change. In our political analysis, we have established the Federal Republic of Nepal. However, it is not clear whom the republic serves? Does it serve the bourgeoisie or the proletarian class? Now the debate is on which class does this republic serve? The increasing role of foreign powers and the high demands of people in the nation show that the contradictions are not being solved; rather they are sharpening.
The favorable objective situation has demanded a matured subjective force. It means that the debate conducted ideologically and politically as the two line struggle in the party and its expression in class struggle will play an important strategic influence in the history of class struggle. Mainly, the centre of the debate in our party is over the leadership of the proletarian class. We have to evaluate whether we are able to maintain the leadership of proletarian class or not, and how we can maintain the leadership of the proletarian class. We have already reached the theoretical decision that the proletarian class cannot be victorious until and unless it develops the best military and ideological tactics.
The debate is on ideology. The debate is over Marxism or reformism. Have we only one alternative to make agreements or have we any other alternatives of struggle and revolt? We are in a debate about ideology, politics, policy, programs and the forms of tactics because the previous movements of the proletarian class have slipped away, collapsed or weakened when they have obtained power. Therefore we consider that the importance of the debate to analyze and synthesize it from the point of view of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. Basically, does it fit with Marxism and has our method of work and style of work served the interests of revolution or has it served reformism. This is the major principle debate.
We can say that the debate is the continuation of the great debate between China and the USSR after the death of Stalin. Because the debate is on similar issues; how to accomplish the revolution in a country in the world and how to protect the achievements gained from the revolution. The debate is between a pragmatic eclecticism and revolutionary Marxism. We are debating over revolution or reformism.
In this debate, because it is a great debate, we welcome those comrades who take part in the proletarian spirit. They should be allowed to react and complain. We should appreciate and analyze their reactions. If there are illusions, we should clarify them and if there are principle issues, we should finalize those through ideological debate. This is because the proletarian debate has been created on the foundation of a decade long proletarian class struggle. They have their own share in the Nepalese revolution. So, they will welcome the chance to take part in the debate in the proletarian spirit. We are expecting helping hands to bring maturity to the revolution of Nepal, along with the world proletarian revolution.
Criticism for criticism and creativity for creativity is not dialectics. This type of tradition that has developed within the communist parties of the world should be rejected and the dialectical process and method should be applied. We are sharing and ready to share the experiences and suggestions of comrades internationally; and give a new experience for the birth of a new proletarian world.